Herodian on the long peak of the Antonine Plague’s second wave

I’ve stayed away from posts about plague recently, but it’s been nearly a year since Berlin went into its first lockdown and I’ve found myself revisiting stories about the Antonine Plague—especially about how the city’s doctors, politicians and ordinary citizens responded to a crisis that seemed to go on for ages (it nearly led to civil war according to some sources). Here’s a little bit from the historian Herodian on doctor-recommended treatments for the rich (the emperor Commodus) and the rest (the ordinary inhabitants of the city). The narrative is familiar: lack of social distancing, travel, close quarters with animals, awareness of a need for face-protection; but also, while the treatments for both rich and poor were roughly the same (viz., aromatherapy), the outcomes were not.

“It so happened at this time that Italy was in the grip of the plague. The suffering was especially intense in the city of Rome, as it was naturally overcrowded and received people from all over the world. And there was great destruction of animals and people.

“At that point, on the advice of some doctors, Commodus retired to Laurentum. For the town, being cooler and shaded by large laurel groves (hence the town’s name), seemed to be a safe place; and he is said to have withstood the corrupting power of the air by means of the fragrant vapours from the laurels and the pleasant shade of the trees.

“Meanwhile, at their doctors’ urging, those in the city filled their nostrils and ears with the most fragrant perfumes and continually used incense and aromatics, since some of the doctors said the fragrance, entering first, filled the sensory passages and prevented the corrupting power of the air from getting in; and if any should get in, it would be overpowered by [the fragrance’s] stronger power.

“Only—it made no difference: the sickness continued to peak for a long time, with great destruction of people and of all sorts of domesticated animals.”

συνέβη δὲ κατ' ἐκεῖνο καιροῦ λοιμώδη νόσον κατασχεῖν τὴν Ἰταλίαν· μάλιστα δὲ τὸ πάθος <ἐν> τῇ Ῥωμαίων πόλει ἤκμασεν ἅτε πολυανθρώπῳ τε οὔσῃ φύσει καὶ τοὺς πανταχόθεν ὑποδεχομένῃ, πολλή τέ τις φθορὰ ἐγένετο ὑποζυγίων ἅμα καὶ ἀνθρώπων. τότε ὁ Κόμοδος συμβουλευσάντων αὐτῷ τινῶν ἰατρῶν ἐς τὴν Λαύρεντον ἀνεχώρησεν· εὐψυχέστερον γὰρ ὂν τὸ χωρίον καὶ μεγίστοις κατάσκιον δαφνηφόροις ἄλσεσιν (ὅθεν καὶ τὸ ὄνομα τῷ χωρίῳ) σωτήριον εἶναι ἐδόκει, καὶ πρὸς τὴν τοῦ ἀέρος φθορὰν ἀντέχειν ἐλέγετο εὐωδίᾳ τε τῆς τῶν δαφνῶν ἀποφορᾶς καὶ τῇ τῶν δένδρων ἡδείᾳ σκιᾷ. ἀλλὰ καὶ οἱ κατὰ τὴν πόλιν κελευόντων τῶν ἰατρῶν μύρου εὐωδεστάτου τάς τε ὀσφρήσεις καὶ τὰ ὦτα ἐνεπίμπλασαν, θυμιάμασί τε καὶ ἀρώμασι συνεχῶς ἐχρῶντο, φασκόντων τινῶν τὴν εὐωδίαν φθάσασαν ἐμπιπλάναι τοὺς πόρους τῶν αἰσθήσεων καὶ κωλύειν δέχεσθαι τὸ φθορῶδες τοῦ ἀέρος, ἢ εἰ καί τι προεμπέσοι, κατεργάζεσθαι δυνάμει κρείττονι. πλὴν οὐδὲν ἧττον ἡ νόσος ἐπὶ πλεῖστον ἤκμασε, πολλῆς ἀνθρώπων φθορᾶς γενομένης πάντων τε ζῴων <τῶν> τοῖς ἀνθρώπων συνοίκων.

Herodian, History Following the Death of the Divine Marcus Aurelius 1.12.1–2

Aromatherapy in Ancient Egypt and Greece

My friend Dora Goldsmith is an Egyptologist who works on the sense of smell in Ancient Egypt. Last year, we worked together on a project for the National Geographic Museum’s Queens of Egypt exhibition recreating an ancient Egyptian perfume known as the Mendesian (some articles about it here, here, and here). It was named after the city in Egypt where it was first produced, the town of Mendes, and we got involved when two archaeologists and historians, Robert Littman and Jay Silverstein, approached Dora with news that they had discovered a perfume factory in the ruins of the city (it’s now known as Tell Timai). Dora and I had been talking about a collaboration and this was the perfect chance: the perfume was emblematic of ancient Egyptian olfactory culture for hundreds of years, but descriptions and recipes only existed in Greek and Latin medical and scientific texts. So we had to figure out ways of working experimentally, testing different interpretations of recipes based on evidence from all kinds of sources, from archaeological studies of residues in perfume bottles to ancient Egyptian love poetry to ancient Greek medical recipes for hangovers (the Mendesian was apparently used to cure headaches).

A few weeks ago, Dora invited me to give a Zoom workshop with her on our process and on our approach to interdisciplinary collaboration. It was a great session and I learned lots from everyone there. Afterwards, she sent me one of her Ancient Egyptian Smell Kits. Before the pandemic, Dora would give hands-on workshops at Klara Ravat’s Smell Lab and the Neues Museum in Berlin where people could recreate Ancient Egyptian perfumes and even the scent of mummification. It’s nice that even when many of us cannot collaborate as we did, Dora’s managed to share this experience in new ways (my favourite is the liquid kypi). You can find out more about her educational kits and information about how to get your own here or email her if you want to place an order.

One of the workshops I went to with Dora was on making kyphi—a very complex perfume and incense used in ancient Egypt. As a thank you, I thought I’d offer a translation of what Plutarch had to say about kyphi and Egyptian aromatherapy from his book on Isis and Osiris. It is so nice to have these scents open on my desk as I am working through texts like these.

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Egypt, Aromatherapy and the Plague

“If I also need to discuss, as I promised, the incense burned as an offering each day, one should first keep in mind that these men (sc. the Egyptians) always take affairs related to health extremely seriously: especially in their sacred practices, in their observances of purity and in their way of life, matters of health are no less present than piety. For they did not think it is right to worship what is pure and in-every-way-uninjured and unpolluted with bodies or souls that are festering and diseased.

“Indeed, since the air which we use all the time and in which we live does not always have the same condition and mixture, but at night it becomes dense and stifles the body and draws the soul into depression and anxiety as if it had become shadowy and heavy, as soon as they wake up they make incense offerings of resin, caring for and purifying the air by breaking it up, and rekindling the body’s exhausted natural spirit, as the scent contains something powerful and stimulating.

“Again during midday, when they notice the sun is forcibly drawing a very great and heavy exhalation from the earth and mixing it into the air, they make incense offerings of myrrh. For heat dissolves and disperses the turbid and murky accumulations in the air around us.

“In fact, even physicians seem to treat the plague by making a great fire and rarefying the air, and it is better rarefied if they burn fragrant woods like cypress, juniper and pine. At any rate, they say a doctor named Akron became famous at the time of the Great Plague in Athens by ordering a fire to be lit next to the sick—he helped quite a few people.

“And Aristotle says the sweet smelling breezes from perfumes and blossoms and meadows are just as important for health as for pleasure, since with their warmth and lightness they gently relax the brain which is naturally cold and frigid. If myrrh is in fact called bal by the Egyptians, and if this is best translated as ‘breaking up of congestion’, then this is evidence in support of his explanation.”

εἰ δὲ δεῖ καὶ περὶ τῶν θυμιωμένων ἡμέρας ἑκάστης εἰπεῖν, ὥσπερ ὑπεσχόμην, ἐκεῖνο διανοηθείη τις <ἂν> πρότερον, ὡς ἀεὶ μὲν οἱ ἄνδρες ἐν σπουδῇ μεγίστῃ τίθενται τὰ πρὸς ὑγίειαν ἐπιτηδεύματα, μάλιστα δὲ ταῖς ἱερουργίαις καὶ ταῖς ἁγνείαις καὶ διαίταις οὐχ ἧττον ἔνεστι [τουτὶ] τοῦ ὁσίου τὸ ὑγιεινόν. οὐ γὰρ ᾤοντο καλῶς ἔχειν οὔτε σώμασιν οὔτε ψυχαῖς ὑπούλοις καὶ νοσώδεσι θεραπεύειν τὸ καθαρὸν καὶ ἀβλαβὲς πάντῃ καὶ ἀμίαντον.

ἐπεὶ τοίνυν ὁ ἀήρ, ᾧ πλεῖστα χρώμεθα καὶ σύνεσμεν, οὐκ ἀεὶ τὴν αὐτὴν ἔχει διάθεσιν καὶ κρᾶσιν, ἀλλὰ νύκτωρ πυκνοῦται καὶ πιέζει τὸ σῶμα καὶ συνάγει τὴν ψυχὴν εἰς τὸ δύσθυμον καὶ πεφροντικὸς οἷον ἀχλυώδη γινομένην καὶ βαρεῖαν, ἀναστάντες εὐθὺς ἐπιθυμιῶσι ῥητίνην θεραπεύοντες καὶ καθαίροντες τὸν ἀέρα τῇ διακρίσει καὶ τὸ σύμφυτον τῷ σώματι πνεῦμα μεμαρασμένον ἀναρριπίζοντες ἐχούσης τι τῆς ὀσμῆς σφοδρὸν καὶ καταπληκτικόν.

αὖθις δὲ μεσημβρίας αἰσθανόμενοι σφόδρα πολλὴν καὶ βαρεῖαν ἀναθυμίασιν ἀπὸ γῆς ἕλκοντα βίᾳ τὸν ἥλιον καὶ καταμιγνύοντα τῷ ἀέρι τὴν σμύρναν ἐπιθυμιῶσι· διαλύει γὰρ ἡ θερμότης καὶ σκίδνησι τὸ συνιστάμενον ἐν τῷ περιέχοντι θολερὸν καὶ ἰλυῶδες.

καὶ γὰρ οἱ ἰατροὶ πρὸς τὰ λοιμικὰ πάθη βοηθεῖν δοκοῦσι φλόγα πολλὴν ποιοῦντες ὡς λεπτύνουσαν τὸν ἀέρα· λεπτύνει δὲ βέλτιον, ἐὰν εὐώδη ξύλα καίωσιν, οἷα κυπαρίττου καὶ ἀρκεύθου καὶ πεύκης. Ἄκρωνα γοῦν τὸν ἰατρὸν ἐν Ἀθήναις ὑπὸ τὸν μέγαν λοιμὸν εὐδοκιμῆσαι λέγουσι πῦρ κελεύοντα παρακαίειν τοῖς νοσοῦσιν· ὤνησε γὰρ οὐκ ὀλίγους.

Ἀριστοτέλης δέ φησι καὶ μύρων καὶ ἀνθέων καὶ λειμώνων εὐώδεις ἀποπνοίας οὐκ ἔλαττον ἔχειν τοῦ πρὸς ἡδονὴν τὸ πρὸς ὑγίειαν, ψυχρὸν ὄντα φύσει καὶ παγετώδη τὸν ἐγκέφαλον ἠρέμα τῇ θερμότητι καὶ λειότητι διαχεούσας. εἰ δὲ καὶ τὴν σμύρναν παρ' Αἰγυπτίοις Βὰλ καλοῦσιν, ἐξερμηνευθὲν δὲ τοῦτο μάλιστα φράζει τῆς πληρώσεως ἐκσκορπισμόν, ἔστιν ἣν καὶ τοῦτο μαρτυρίαν τῷ λόγῳ τῆς αἰτίας δίδωσιν.

Plutarch, Isis and Osiris 79 (Moralia 383A–D)

A description of Kyphi from Ancient Greece

“Kyphi is a mixture composed of sixteen ingredients: honey, wine, raisins, cyperus , resin and myrrh, aspalathus and seseli; moreover, mastic and bitumen, rush, patience dock, and in addition to these both of the junipers (one of which they call larger, the other smaller), cardamom and calamus.* These are not, however, combined in just any way, but while the sacred writings are being read to the perfumers as they mix them.

“As for the number of ingredients, because it is a square of a square [i.e. 4 x 4] and the only even number whose perimeter is equal to its area, it is completely appropriate that it is an object of wonder; even so, it must be said that this fact contributes very little to the recipe. Rather, most of the ingredients have aromatic properties that give off a sweet and pleasant exhalation because of which the air is changed and the body, by being moved softly and gently by the stream of air, takes on a balance of elements that brings on sleep; and these aromatic properties also relax and loosen without wine the pain and stress of our everyday worries as if loosening a knot. And they brighten the imagination and the part of us that receives dreams as if polishing a mirror, and they are as purifying to it as the melodies of the lyre which the Pythagoreans used to play before going to sleep in order to charm the emotional and irrational feelings in the soul and in this way heal it.

“For scents often restore our consciousness when it is weakened; often again they smooth and calm it when there are material disturbances spread because of their smoothness throughout the body, as some doctors say sleep comes about when the exhalations from our food slip smoothly, as it were, around our vital organs, touching them and producing a sort of tickling sensation.

“They use kyphi as a potion and a perfumed oil, for when taken as a drink, it seems to purify the inside of the body; as a perfumed oil, it softens the skin. In addition to this, resin and myrrh are the work of the sun, when their plants exude their tears in response to its warmth; but the ingredients of kyphi delight more in the night, as do all those whose nature is nourished by cold winds and shadows and dew and moisture. Whereas the light of the daytime is unitary and simple and the sun shows itself, as Pindar says, ‘through a deserted aether,’ the nighttime air is a blend and mixture of many lights and forces, as if seeds from every star streamed down onto one place. And so it is fitting that they make incense offerings of the former [i.e. resin and myrrh] in the daytime, since they are simple and are born from the sun; while this one [i.e. kyphi], since it is a mixture of so many different qualities, they offer at nightfall.”

τὸ δὲ κῦφι μῖγμα μὲν ἑκκαίδεκα μερῶν συντιθεμένων ἐστί, μέλιτος καὶ οἴνου καὶ σταφίδος καὶ κυπέρου ῥητίνης τε καὶ σμύρνης καὶ ἀσπαλάθου καὶ σεσέλεως, ἔτι δὲ σχίνου τε καὶ ἀσφάλτου καὶ θρύου καὶ λαπάθου, πρὸς δὲ τούτοις ἀρκευθίδων ἀμφοῖν (ὧν τὴν μὲν μείζονα τὴν δ' ἐλάττονα καλοῦσι) καὶ καρδαμώμου καὶ καλάμου. συντίθενται δ' οὐχ ὅπως ἔτυχεν, ἀλλὰ γραμμάτων ἱερῶν τοῖς μυρεψοῖς, ὅταν ταῦτα μιγνύωσιν, ἀναγιγνωσκομένων.

τὸν δ' ἀριθμόν, εἰ καὶ πάνυ δοκεῖ τετράγωνος ἀπὸ τετραγώνου καὶ μόνος ἔχων τῶν ἴσων ἰσάκις ἀριθμῶν τῷ χωρίῳ τὴν περίμετρον ἴσην ἄγασθαι προσηκόντως, ἐλάχιστα ῥητέον εἴς γε τοῦτο συνεργεῖν, ἀλλὰ <τὰ> πλεῖστα τῶν συλλαμβανομένων ἀρωματικὰς ἔχοντα δυνάμεις γλυκὺ πνεῦμα καὶ χρηστὴν μεθίησιν ἀναθυμίασιν, ὑφ' ἧς ὅ τ' ἀὴρ τρεπόμενος καὶ τὸ σῶμα διὰ τῆς πνοῆς κινούμενον λείως καὶ προσηνῶς ὕπνου τε κρᾶσιν ἐπαγωγὸν ἴσχει καὶ τὰ λυπηρὰ καὶ σύντονα τῶν μεθημερινῶν φροντίδων ἄνευ μέθης οἷον ἅμματα χαλᾷ καὶ διαλύει· καὶ τὸ φανταστικὸν καὶ δεκτικὸν ὀνείρων μόριον ὥσπερ κάτοπτρον ἀπολεαίνει καὶ ποιεῖ καθαρώτερον οὐδὲν ἧττον ἢ τὰ κρούματα τῆς λύρας, οἷς ἐχρῶντο πρὸ τῶν ὕπνων οἱ Πυθαγόρειοι, τὸ ἐμπαθὲς καὶ ἄλογον τῆς ψυχῆς ἐξεπᾴδοντες οὕτω καὶ θεραπεύοντες.

τὰ γὰρ ὀσφραντὰ πολλάκις μὲν τὴν αἴσθησιν ἀπολείπουσαν ἀνακαλεῖται, πολλάκις δὲ πάλιν ἀμβλύνει καὶ κατηρεμίζει διαχεομένων ἐν τῷ σώματι τῶν ἀναλωμάτων ὑπὸ λειότητος· ὥσπερ ἔνιοι τῶν ἰατρῶν τὸν ὕπνον ἐγγίνεσθαι λέγουσιν, ὅταν ἡ τῆς τροφῆς ἀναθυμίασις οἷον ἕρπουσα λείως περὶ τὰ σπλάγχνα καὶ ψηλαφῶσα ποιῇ τινα γαργαλισμόν.

τῷ δὲ κῦφι χρῶνται καὶ πόματι καὶ χρίματι· πινόμενον γὰρ δοκεῖ τὰ ἐντὸς καθαίρει, [...] χρῖμα μαλακτικόν. ἄνευ δὲ τούτων ῥητίνη μέν ἐστιν ἔργον ἡλίου καὶ σμύρνα πρὸς τὴν εἵλην τῶν φυτῶν ἐκδακρυόντων, τῶν δὲ τὸ κῦφι συντιθέντων ἔστιν ἃ νυκτὶ χαίρει μᾶλλον, ὥσπερ ὅσα πνεύμασι ψυχροῖς καὶ σκιαῖς καὶ δρόσοις καὶ ὑγρότησι τρέφεσθαι πέφυκεν· ἐπεὶ τὸ τῆς ἡμέρας φῶς ἓν μέν ἐστι καὶ ἁπλοῦν καὶ τὸν ἥλιον ὁ Πίνδαρος ὁρᾶσθαί φησιν ‘ἐρήμης δι' αἰθέρος’, ὁ δὲ νυκτερινὸς ἀὴρ κρᾶμα καὶ σύμμιγμα πολλῶν γέγονε φώτων καὶ δυνάμεων οἷον σπερμάτων εἰς ἓν ἀπὸ παντὸς ἄστρου καταρρεόντων. εἰκότως οὖν ἐκεῖνα μὲν ὡς ἁπλᾶ καὶ ἀφ' ἡλίου τὴν γένεσιν ἔχοντα δι' ἡμέρας, ταῦτα δ' ὡς μικτὰ καὶ παντοδαπὰ ταῖς ποιότησιν ἀρχομένης νυκτὸς ἐπιθυμιῶσι.

Plutarch, Isis and Osiris 80 (Moralia 383E–384C)

*Plutarch’s list of kyphi ingredients

1. μέλι (meli): honey

2. οἶνος (oinos): wine

3. σταφίς (staphis): raisins

4. κύπερον (kyperon): cyperus, probably Cyperus rotundus L.

5. ῥητίνη (rhetine): resin, probably some kind of pine resin

6. σμύρνα (smyrna): myrrh, Commiphora myrrha Engl.

7. ἀσπάλαθος (aspalathos): possibly camelthorn, Alhagi maurorum L.; or thorny trefoil, Calycotome villosa Link; or Genista, Genista acanthoclada DC

8. σέσελι (seseli): hartwort, Tordylium officinale L.

9. σχῖνος (skhinos): mastic: Pistacia lentiscus L.

10. ἄσφαλτος (asphaltos): bitumen

11. θρύον (thryon): rush

12. λάπαθον (lapathon): patience dock, Rumex patientia L.

13. ἄρκευθος μείζων (arkeythos meizon): larger juniper, Juniperus macrocarpa L.

14. ἄρκευθος ἐλάττων (akreythos elatton): smaller juniper, Juniperus communis L.

15. καρδάμωμον (karadmomon): cardamom, Elettaria cardamomum Maton

16. κάλαμος (kalamos): calamus, Acorus calamus L.

Worse than the worst of plagues: Cassius Dio on Commodus’ reign and the second wave of the Antonine plague

“A sickness occurred greater than any I have known—in fact, two thousand often died on a single day in Rome. Many people were also killed in another way, not only in the city, but throughout practically the whole Empire, by evil men: for they would smear little needles with some deadly drugs and for a fee would inject the poison into others, a thing which also happened during the time of Domitian. And while these people died without even a word, Commodus ended up more troublesome to the Romans than all the diseases and criminals together, because among other reasons the people were forced to assign to him out of fear and by command those things which had been bestowed out of respect upon his father through a vote.

“He actually ordered that Rome’s name be changed to ‘Commodiana,’ its army called ‘the Commodians,’ and the day on which these motions were passed ‘Commodiana Day.’ Among the many names he took for himself, one was Herakles. He gave Rome the nickname, ‘Immortal Blessed Inhabited Colony of the Earth,’ since he wanted it to be thought of as his own colony. A golden statue was made in his honour, a thousand pounds in weight, along with a bull and a cow. And finally, all the months of the year were named after him, so that they were counted as follows: Amazon, Undefeated, Lucky, Pious, Lucius, Aelius, Aurelius, Commodus, August, Herakles, Roman, Excellency. For he had taken on different names at different times, but Amazon and Excellency he applied to himself constantly, to show he was absolutely in every way preeminently superior to all people—that is how preeminently insane this piece of shit turned out to be.”

γέγονε δὲ καὶ νόσος μεγίστη ὧν ἐγὼ οἶδα· δισχίλιοι γοῦν πολλάκις ἡμέρας μιᾶς ἐν τῇ Ῥώμῃ ἐτελεύτησαν. πολλοὶ δὲ καὶ ἄλλως οὐκ ἐν τῷ ἄστει μόνον ἀλλὰ καὶ ἐν ὅλῃ ὡς εἰπεῖν τῇ ἀρχῇ ὑπ' ἀνδρῶν κακούργων ἀπέθανον· βελόνας γὰρ μικρὰς δηλητηρίοις τισὶ φαρμάκοις ἐγχρίοντες ἐνίεσαν δι' αὐτῶν ἐς ἑτέρους ἐπὶ μισθῷ τὸ δεινόν· ὅπερ που καὶ ἐπὶ τοῦ Δομιτιανοῦ ἐγεγόνει. καὶ οὗτοι μὲν ἐν οὐδενὶ λόγῳ ἀπώλλυντο, ἦν δὲ ἁπάντων νοσημάτων καὶ ἁπάντων κακουργημάτων χαλεπώτερος Ῥωμαίοις ὁ Κόμμοδος, διά τε τἆλλα καὶ ὅτι ἠναγκάζοντο, ἃ τῷ πατρὶ αὐτοῦ κατ' εὔνοιαν ἐψηφίζοντο, ταῦτ' ἐκείνῳ διὰ φόβον ἀπονέμειν ἐξ ἐπιτάγματος. Κομμοδιανὴν γοῦν τήν τε Ῥώμην αὐτὴν καὶ τὰ στρατόπεδα Κομμοδιανά, τήν τε ἡμέραν ἐν ᾗ ταῦτα ἐψηφίζετο Κομμοδιανὰ καλεῖσθαι προσέταξεν. ἑαυτῷ δὲ ἄλλας τε παμπόλλους ἐπωνυμίας καὶ τὴν Ἡρακλέους ἀπήνεγκε. τὴν δὲ Ῥώμην ἀθάνατον εὐτυχῆ κολωνίαν οἰκουμένην τῆς γῆς (καὶ γὰρ ἄποικον αὐτὴν ἑαυτοῦ δοκεῖν ἐβούλετο) ἐπωνόμασεν. καὶ ἀνδριάς τε αὐτῷ χρυσοῦς χιλίων λιτρῶν μετά τε ταύρου καὶ βοὸς θηλείας ἐγένετο, καὶ τέλος καὶ οἱ μῆνες ἀπ' αὐτοῦ πάντες ἐπεκλήθησαν, ὥστε καταριθμεῖσθαι αὐτοὺς οὕτως, Ἀμαζόνιος Ἀνίκητος Εὐτυχὴς Εὐσεβὴς Λούκιος Αἴλιος Αὐρήλιος Κόμμοδος Αὔγουστος Ἡράκλειος Ῥωμαῖος Ὑπεραίρων. αὐτὸς μὲν γὰρ ἄλλοτε ἄλλα μετελάμβανε τῶν ὀνομάτων, τὸν δ' Ἀμαζόνιον καὶ τὸν Ὑπεραίροντα παγίως ἑαυτῷ ἔθετο ὡς καὶ ἐν πᾶσιν ἁπλῶς πάντας ἀνθρώπους καθ' ὑπερβολὴν νικῶν· οὕτω καθ' ὑπερβολὴν ἐμεμήνει τὸ κάθαρμα.

Cassius Dio, Roman History, 72.14–15

“Omens like these” – plague and the fall of the Republic

More plagues and social change from Cassius Dio, this time, around 44 BCE …

“In addition to omens like these, a bright light moved across across the sky from east to west and a new star was seen for many days.* And at times the light of the sun seemed to grow dim and even disappear, at other times it appeared in three circles, and one of these was even enclosed in a fiery wreath of sheaves, a thing which, for those people, very evidently came true if ever a prophecy did: for there were three men in power—Caesar, Lepidus and Antony, I mean—and of them Caesar afterwards secured his victory.

“Now, when these things occurred, there were all kinds of oracles predicting the destruction of the Republic. Crows flew into the temple of the Dioscuri and pecked out the names of the consuls Antony and Dolabella, which were somewhere inscribed on a tablet. During the night, many dogs would gather in the city and howl, especially near the house of Lepidus, the high priest. Meanwhile, the Eridanus (i.e., the Po) flooded a large part of the surrounding countryside, and when it receded it left behind a huge number of serpents on the land; and from the sea, untold numbers of fish were thrown onto the shore at the mouth of the Tiber.

“What came next was a virulent plague, which affected practically all of Italy, and because of it, it was voted that the Curia Hostilia would be rebuilt and the place where the naumachia** had taken place would be filled in. But it seemed not even this could put a stop to the horror, since, among other things, when Vibius was performing the sacrificial rite at for New Year’s day, one of his lictors suddenly fell down and died.”

πρὸς δὲ δὴ τούτοις τοιούτοις οὖσι λαμπὰς ἀπ' ἀνίσχοντος ἡλίου πρὸς δυσμὰς διέδραμε, καί τις ἀστὴρ καινὸς ἐπὶ πολλὰς ἡμέρας ὤφθη. τότε φῶς τοῦ ἡλίου ἐλαττοῦσθαί τε καὶ σβέννυσθαι, τοτὲ δὲ ἐν τρισὶ κύκλοις φαντάζεσθαι ἐδόκει, καὶ ἕνα γε αὐτῶν στέφανος σταχύων πυρώδης περιέσχεν, ὥστ' εἴπερ τι ἄλλο, καὶ τοῦτο ἐναργέστατα αὐτοῖς ἐκβῆναι· οἵ τε γὰρ ἄνδρες οἱ τρεῖς ἐδυνάστευον, λέγω δὲ τὸν Καίσαρα καὶ τὸν Λέπιδον καὶ τὸν Ἀντώνιον, καὶ ἐξ αὐτῶν ὁ Καῖσαρ μετὰ τοῦτο τὴν νίκην ἔλαβεν.

τότε δ' οὖν ταῦτά τε ἐγένετο, καὶ λόγια πρὸς κατάλυσιν τῆς δημοκρατίας φέροντα παντοῖα ᾔδετο. κόρακές τε ἐς τὸ Διοσκόρειον ἐσπετόμενοι τὰ τῶν ὑπάτων τοῦ τε Ἀντωνίου καὶ τοῦ Δολοβέλλου ὀνόματα, ἐνταῦθά που ἐν πινακίῳ ἐγγεγραμμένα, ἐξεκόλαψαν. καὶ κύνες πολλοὶ νυκτὸς κατά τε τὴν ἄλλην πόλιν καὶ πρὸς τῇ τοῦ ἀρχιερέως τοῦ Λεπίδου οἰκίᾳ μάλιστα συστρεφόμενοι ὠρύοντο. ὅ τε Ἠριδανὸς ἐπὶ πολὺ τῆς πέριξ γῆς πελαγίσας ἐξαίφνης ἀνεχώρησε, καὶ παμπληθεῖς ἐν τῷ ξηρῷ ὄφεις ἐγκατέλιπε. καὶ ἰχθῦς ἐκ τῆς θαλάσσης ἀμύθητοι κατὰ τὰς τοῦ Τιβέριδος ἐκβολὰς ἐς τὴν ἤπειρον ἐξέπεσον.

ἐπεγένετο μὲν οὖν καὶ [ὁ] λοιμὸς ἐπ' αὐτοῖς πάσῃ ὡς εἰπεῖν τῇ Ἰταλίᾳ ἰσχυρός, καὶ διὰ τοῦτο τό τε βουλευτήριον τὸ Ὁστίλιον ἀνοικοδομηθῆναι καὶ τὸ χωρίον ἐν ᾧ ἡ ναυμαχία ἐγεγόνει συγχωσθῆναι ἐψηφίσθη· οὐ μέντοι καὶ ἐνταῦθα στήσεσθαι τὸ δεινὸν ἐδόκει, ἄλλως τε καὶ ἐπειδὴ τοῦ Οὐιβίου τὰ ἐσιτήρια τῇ νουμηνίᾳ θύοντος ῥαβδοῦχός τις αὐτοῦ ἔπεσεν ἐξαίφνης καὶ ἀπέθανεν.

Cassius Dio, Roman History, 45.17.4–9

*a comet is reported to have appeared after Julius Caesar’s assassination.

**ναυμαχία (naumachia): a massive trench, commissioned by Julius Caesar in 46 BCE, was dug near the Tiber and filled with water. He had thousands of prisoners of war fight a staged sea-battle in it. What connection the senate saw between the sea battle and the ensuing plague isn’t clear to me, and my books are at the office.

“I suppose the same thing happened in foreign countries as well...” Cassius Dio on the Plague at the time of Augustus

Looks like we will pass 1,000,000 confirmed cases of Covid-19 in the next few minutes. So let’s rewind.

22 BCE or so. Plague in Italy. No one left to work the land. The people want Augustus named dictator.

“The year after that, when Marcus Macellus and Lucius Arruntius were consuls, the city was flooded again when the river overflowed, and many things were struck by lightning, even the statues in the Pantheon, so that the spear fell from Augustus’ hand as well. And then, as the Romans suffered from disease and from famine—for the plague had come to all of Italy and no one worked the land; I suppose the same thing happened in foreign countries as well—they, thinking that these things had happened to them for no other reason but that they didn’t have Augustus as a consul, wished him to be appointed dictator. They locked the senate in their chamber and, threatening to burn them to ashes, they forced them to take a vote. And after this, taking the twenty-four rods, they came to Augustus, bidding him to be named dictator and to become commissioner of the grain supply, just as Pompey once had been.”

τῷ δ' ἐπιγιγνομένῳ ἔτει, ἐν ᾧ Μᾶρκος τε Μάρκελλος καὶ Λούκιος Ἀρρούντιος ὑπάτευσαν, ἥ τε πόλις πελαγίσαντος αὖθις τοῦ ποταμοῦ ἐπλεύσθη, καὶ κεραυνοῖς ἄλλα τε πολλὰ ἐβλήθη καὶ οἱ ἀνδριάντες οἱ ἐν τῷ Πανθείῳ, ὥστε καὶ τὸ δόρυ ἐκ τῆς τοῦ Αὐγούστου χειρὸς ἐκπεσεῖν. πονούμενοι οὖν ὑπό τε τῆς νόσου καὶ ὑπὸ τοῦ λιμοῦ (ἔν τε γὰρ τῇ Ἰταλίᾳ πάσῃ ὁ λοιμὸς ἐγένετο καὶ τὴν χώραν οὐδεὶς εἰργάσατο· δοκῶ δ' ὅτι καὶ ἐν τοῖς ἔξω χωρίοις τὸ αὐτὸ τοῦτο συνηνέχθη) νομίσαντες οἱ Ῥωμαῖοι οὐκ ἄλλως σφίσι ταῦτα συμβεβηκέναι, ἀλλ' ὅτι μὴ καὶ τότε ὑπατεύοντα τὸν Αὔγουστον ἔσχον, δικτάτορα αὐτὸν ἠθέλησαν προχειρίσασθαι, καὶ τήν τε βουλὴν κατακλείσαντες ἐς τὸ συνέδριον ἐπηνάγκασαν τοῦτο ψηφίσασθαι, ἀπειλοῦντές σφας καταπρήσειν, καὶ μετὰ ταῦτα τὰς ῥάβδους τὰς τέσσαρας καὶ εἴκοσι λαβόντες προσῆλθον αὐτῷ, δικτάτορά τε ἅμα δεόμενοι λεχθῆναι καὶ ἐπιμελητὴν τοῦ σίτου, καθάπερ ποτὲ τὸν Πομπήιον, γενέσθαι.

Cassius Dio, Historiae Romanae 54.1.1–3

“Whoever wants to become a good person” – some advice from Galen

I get frustrated with people when I go outside these days (especially when I go looking for flour). I think anxiety has ways of making its presence felt even if (or maybe especially if) I’m not attending to it. Now, normally I find reading Galen pretty frustrating as well, but these bits are helpful reminders of the necessity of empathy.

“Whoever wants to become a good person, let them keep this in mind: that they are, necessarily, very much unaware of their own errors.”

ὅστις οὖν βούλεται καλὸς κἀγαθὸς γενέσθαι, τοῦτο ἐννοησάτω, ὡς ἀναγκαῖόν ἐστιν αὐτὸν ἀγνοεῖν πολλὰ τῶν ἰδίων ἁμαρτημάτων.

Galen, On the Affections and Errors of the Soul, 1.2, 5.5 K.

“We have, as Aesop used to say, two bags hanging from our necks, one, in front, full of the wrongs of others, one, behind, full of our own, and for this reason we always see the wrongs of others, while we are incapable of seeing our own.”

δύο γάρ, ὡς Αἴσωπος ἔλεγε, πήρας ἐξήμμεθα τοῦ τραχήλου τῶν μὲν ἀλλοτρίων τὴν πρόσω, τῶν ἰδίων δὲ τὴν ὀπίσω, καὶ διὰ τοῦτο τὰ μὲν ἀλλότρια βλέπομεν ἀεί, τῶν δ' οἰκείων ἀθέατοι καθεστήκαμεν.

Galen, On the Affections and Errors of the Soul, 1.2, 5.6 K.

“It’s normal for pretty much everyone to hate those who speak the truth.”

ἅπασιν ὡς ἔπος εἰπεῖν ἀνθρώποις ἔθος εἶναι μισεῖν τοὺς τἀληθῆ λέγοντας.

Galen, On the Affections and Errors of the Soul, 1.3, 5.10 K.

“And indeed, we should consider the one who reveals each of our offenses our deliverer and our greatest friend. Even if it appears to you that they criticize you falsely, still, the right thing to do is to show yourself to be free from anger. For, in the first place, it’s possible that they can see your mistakes better than you can, just as you, too, can see theirs; and in the second case, because, even if they should criticize you falsely, they will have awoken you to a more accurate examination of what you are doing.”

καὶ μέντοι καὶ [τὸν] σωτῆρα ἐκεῖνον | καὶ φίλον μέγιστον ἡγεῖσθαι τὸν μηνύσαντα τῶν πλημμελουμένων ἕκαστα· εἶθ' ὅτι, κἂν ψευδῶς σοι φαίνηταί ποτ' ἐγκαλέσας, ἀόργητον προσήκει φαίνεσθαι, πρῶτον μὲν ὅτι δύνατόν ἐστιν ἐκεῖνον σοῦ βέλτιον ὁρᾶν ἕκαστον ὧν ἁμαρτάνων τυγχάνεις, ὥσπερ καί σε τῶν ἐκείνου τι, δεύτερον ὅτι κἂν ἐπηρεάσῃ ποτὲ ψευδῶς, ἀλλ' οὖν ἐπήγειρέ σε πρὸς ἀκριβεστέραν ἐπίσκεψιν, ὧν πράττεις.

Galen, On the Affections and Errors of the Soul, 1.5, 5.24–5 K.

Partying: a neglected branch of moral philosophy

I’m drinking whisky. A bit from Philo of Alexandria’s work, On Being Drunk, since I’ve been thinking these days about the morality of partying.

“They say that Pheidias, that great sculptor, made statues from bronze, ivory, gold and all sorts of other materials, and that in all of them he expressed one and the same art, so that not only the critics, but even totally normal people might recognize the artist from his works. For, like in the case of twins, where nature will often use the same form and cast things similar that differ very little, in the same way, too, the perfect art, since it is an imitation and representation of nature, will take different materials and shape and stamp the same form on all of them, so that its works are related like siblings and twins.

“The same thing is exhibited in the power of the wise person. For when it is turned to questions about being, it is called piety and holiness. When it is concerned with questions about the heavens and the things in them, it is called physics. It is called meteorology when it is concerned with the atmosphere and its natural turnings and its changes throughout the seasons of the whole year and partially in each monthly and daily cycle. And it is called ethics when it is concerned with questions about correcting human character: one of its branches, the one concerned with the city, is called politics; another, the one concerned with household management, is called economics; and another, the one concerned with drinking parties and festivals, is called the science of partying.”

τὸν ἀνδριαντοποιὸν Φειδίαν ἐκεῖνον καὶ χαλκὸν λαβόντα φασὶ καὶ ἐλέφαντα καὶ χρυσὸν καὶ ἄλλας διαφόρους ὕλας ἀνδριάντας ἀπεργάσασθαι καὶ ἐν ἅπασι τούτοις μίαν καὶ τὴν αὐτὴν ἐνσημήνασθαι τέχνην, ὡς μὴ μόνον ἐπιστήμονας, ἀλλὰ καὶ λίαν ἰδιώτας τὸν δημιουργὸν ἀπὸ τῶν δημιουργηθέντων γνωρίσαι· καθάπερ γὰρ ἐπὶ τῶν διδύμων ἡ φύσις χρησαμένη τῷ αὐτῷ πολλάκις χαρακτῆρι παρὰ μικρὸν ἀπαραλλάκτους ὁμοιότητας ἐτύπωσε, τὸν αὐτὸν τρόπον καὶ ἡ τελεία τέχνη, μίμημα καὶ ἀπεικόνισμα φύσεως οὖσα, ὅταν διαφόρους ὕλας παραλάβῃ, σχηματίζει καὶ ἐνσφραγίζεται τὴν αὐτὴν ἁπάσαις ἰδέαν, ὡς ταύτῃ μάλιστα συγγενῆ καὶ ἀδελφὰ καὶ δίδυμα τὰ δημιουργηθέντα γενέσθαι.

ταὐτὸν οὖν καὶ ἡ ἐν τῷ σοφῷ δύναμις ἐπιδείξεται· πραγματευομένη γὰρ τὰ περὶ τοῦ ὄντος εὐσέβεια καὶ ὁσιότης ὀνομάζεται, τὰ δὲ περὶ οὐρανοῦ καὶ τῶν κατ' αὐτὸν φυσιολογία, μετεωρολογικὴ δὲ τὰ περὶ τὸν ἀέρα καὶ ὅσα κατὰ τὰς τροπὰς αὐτοῦ καὶ μεταβολὰς ἔν τε ταῖς ὁλοσχερέσιν ἐτησίοις ὥραις καὶ ταῖς ἐν μέρει κατά τε μηνῶν καὶ ἡμερῶν περιόδους πέφυκε συνίστασθαι, ἠθικὴ δὲ τὰ πρὸς ἀνθρωπίνων ἐπανόρθωσιν ἠθῶν, ἧς ἰδέαι πολιτική τε ἡ περὶ πόλιν καὶ ἡ περὶ οἰκίας ἐπιμέλειαν οἰκονομική, συμποτική τε ἡ περὶ τὰ συμπόσια καὶ τὰς εὐωχίας.

Philo of Alexandria, De ebrietate, 88–91

“Those who couldn't be cured” – Galen on the Armenian Bolus and the Great Plague

Galen exercises some troubling reasoning about cures…

“During the Great Plague, another kind of earth was given to me, rather desiccating, ochre in colour, from Armenia’s border with Cappadocia. The supplier called it a stone, not earth, and it can easily be pulverized, like lime (I’m referring to slaked lime, obviously). But also, like lime, there is no sandy quality in Armenian earth. For after being ground up in a mortar and pestle, it becomes as fine and free of gravel as lime and Samian star, although it is not as light as the star. Thus, it’s denser and less airy than it, and that’s why to more careless observers it has the appearance of being a stone.

“But it makes no difference for the present whether we use the term stone or earth, as long as you know it is very desiccating. It is especially suitable in cases of dysentery, fluxes of the belly, spitting of blood, catarrh, and moreover for putrefying ulcers in the mouth. And indeed, it is a great help for those experiencing fluxes from the head into the chest; thus, it also is of great benefit to those who have chronic breathing difficulties caused by this kind of thing.

“And, of course, it also helps all those who suffer from consumption. For it dries their ulcer so that they no longer cough, unless they seriously neglect their regimen or if the environment undergoes a sudden change towards a bad mixture. It even seems to me, just as we have often seen in the case of fistulas, not only in other parts of the body, but near the anus as well, that they are protected and closed up by using the desiccating drug itself alone, without the insertion of a suppository that clears the filth or the callous of the fistula, so, too, it would also happen in the case of an ulcer that occurs in the lungs. For this condition, when it is moderate and not too great, is evidently benefited through desiccating drugs, so that some of those who had these fistulas seemed completely cured. Actually, of those people who traveled from Rome to Libya for the same sort of reason, some believed they were completely healthy and in fact lived without any problems for some years, then later on, because they did not take sufficient precautions to keep a preventative routine, the disease came back. Well, as I was saying, these people the bolus of Armenia evidently cured, as, in fact, it also cured those who stayed in Rome, and, even more those with chronic breathing difficulties.

“And during that Great Plague, which was similar in form to the one that happened during the time of Thucydides, all those who drank this drug were cured very quickly, while, all those whom it did not help died. They weren’t helped by anything else, either, which makes it clear that it only failed to help those who couldn’t be cured.

“It is taken as a drink with a light-bodied wine: moderately mixed, if the person doesn’t have a fever at all or was only briefly feverish; very watery, if he is more feverish. The fevers that accompany plague are not very hot. As for ulcers that need drying, why bother mentioning how powerful the Armenian bolus itself is? As I said, you can call it a stone, like my supplier called it, or a type of earth, as I do, since it is moistened by moisture.”*

ἐδόθη δ' ἡμῖν ἐν τῷ μεγάλῳ τούτῳ λοιμῷ, καὶ ἄλλη τις ἐξ Ἀρμενίας τῆς ὁμόρου Καππαδοκίας γῆ ξηραντικωτέρα, τὴν χρόαν ὠχρά· λίθον δ' αὐτὴν ὠνόμαζεν, οὐ γῆν, ὁ δοὺς, καὶ ἔστιν εὐλειοτάτη, καθάπερ καὶ ἡ τίτανος. ὀνομάζω δ' οὕτω δηλονότι τὴν κεκαυμένην πέτραν. ἀλλὰ καὶ ὥσπερ ἐκείνης οὐδὲν ἐμφέρεται ψαμμῶδες, οὕτως οὐδὲ τῆς Ἀρμενίας. μετὰ γὰρ τὸ θραυσθῆναι τῷ δοίδυκι κατὰ τὴν θυίαν, οὕτως ἐστὶ λεία καὶ ἄλιθος ὥσπερ ἡ τίτανος καὶ ὁ Σάμιος ἀστὴρ, οὐ μὴν ὁμοίως γε κούφη τῷ ἀστέρι. διὸ καὶ πεπύκνωται μᾶλλον αὐτοῦ καὶ ἧττον ἀερώδης ἐστὶν, καὶ διὰ τοῦτο φαντασίαν ἀποφαίνει τοῖς ἀμελέστερον ὁρῶσι λίθος εἶναι.

διαφέρει δ' οὐδὲν ὡς πρὸς τὰ παρόντα λίθον ἢ γῆν αὐτὴν ὀνομάζειν, εἰδότας ἄκρως ξηραίνουσαν. ἐπί τε γὰρ δυσεντεριῶν καὶ τῶν κατὰ γαστέρα ῥευμάτων, αἵματός τε πτύσεως καὶ κατάῤῥου καὶ προσέτι τῶν κατὰ τὸ στόμα σηπεδονωδῶν ἑλκῶν ἁρμόττει μάλιστα. καὶ μέντοι καὶ τοὺς ἀπὸ κεφαλῆς εἰς θώρακα ῥευματιζομένους ὀνίνησι μεγάλως, ὥστε καὶ τοὺς διὰ τὴν τοιαύτην αἰτίαν συνεχῶς δυσπνοοῦντας ἰσχυρῶς ὠφελεῖ.

καὶ μέντοι καὶ ὅσοι φθόῃ κάμνουσιν, καὶ τούτους ὀνίνησιν. ξηραίνει γὰρ αὐτῶν τὸ ἕλκος, ὡς μηδὲ βήττειν ἔτι, πλὴν εἰ κατὰ τὴν δίαιταν ἁμαρτάνοιεν ἀξιολόγως ἢ τὸ περιέχον ἐξαιφνίδιον εἰς δυσκρασίαν μεταπέσοι. καί μοι δοκεῖ, καθάπερ ἐπὶ τῶν συρίγγων ἐθεασάμεθα πολλάκις, οὐ μόνον ἐν ἄλλοις μορίοις, ἀλλὰ καὶ κατὰ τὴν ἕδραν ἄνευ τοῦ κολλύριον καθεῖναι τὸν ῥύπον ἢ τὸν τύλον ἐξαιροῦν τῆς σύριγγος, αὐτῷ μόνῳ τῷ ξηραίνοντι φαρμάκῳ προστελλομένας τε καὶ κλειομένας αὐτὰς, οὕτω κᾀπὶ τοῦ κατὰ τὸν πνεύμονα συμβαίνειν ἕλκους. φαίνεται γὰρ καὶ τοῦτο διὰ τῶν ξηραινόντων φαρμάκων ὁμοίως ὀνινάμενον, ὅταν τε μέτριον ᾖ καὶ μὴ μέγα λίαν, ὥστ' ἔδοξαν ἔνιοι τῶν ἐχόντων αὐτὰ τελείως ἀπηλλάχθαι, καὶ τῶν γ' εἰς τὴν Λιβύην ἀπὸ Ῥώμης διὰ τοιαύτην αἰτίαν πορευθέντων ἔνιοι τελείως ἐπείσθησαν ὑγιεῖς εἶναι, καὶ μέχρι γέ τινων ἐτῶν ἀμέμπτως διήγαγον, εἶθ' ὕστερόν ποτε πάλιν ἀφυλακτότερον αὐτοῖς διαιτηθεῖσιν ὑποστροφὴ τοῦ νοσήματος ἐγένετο. τούτους οὖν, ὡς ἔφην, ἡ ἐκ τῆς Ἀρμενίας βῶλος ἐναργῶς ὠφέλησε καίτοι γ' ἐν Ῥώμῃ διατρίβοντας, ἔτι τε μᾶλλον τοὺς δυσπνοοῦντας συνεχῶς.

ἐν δὲ τῷ μεγάλῳ τούτῳ λοιμῷ παραπλησίῳ τὴν ἰδέαν ὄντι τῷ κατὰ Θουκυδίδην γενομένῳ πάντες οἱ πιόντες τούτου τοῦ φαρμάκου διὰ ταχέων ἐθεραπεύθησαν, ὅσους δ' οὐδὲν ὤνησεν ἀπέθανον πάντες, οὐδ' ὑπ' ἄλλου τινὸς ὠφελήθησαν, ᾧ καὶ δῆλον ὅτι μόνους τοὺς ἀνιάτως ἔχοντας οὐκ ὠφέλησε.

πίνεται δὲ μετ' οἴνου λεπτοῦ τὴν σύστασιν, κεραμένου μετρίως μὲν, εἰ ἀπύρετος εἴη παντάπασιν ὁ ἄνθρωπος ἢ βραχὺ πυρεταίνοι, πάνυ δ' ὑδαροῦς, εἰ πυρέττοι μειζόνως. οὐ μὴν οὐδὲ σφοδροὶ κατὰ τὴν θερμασίαν εἰσὶν οἱ λοιμώδεις πυρετοί. περὶ δὲ τῶν ξηρανθῆναι δεομένων ἑλκῶν τί δεῖ καὶ λέγειν ὁπηλίκην ἔχει δύναμιν ἡ Ἀρμενικὴ βῶλος αὕτη; καλεῖν δ' ἔξεστί σοι, καθάπερ ἔφην, καὶ λίθον αὐτὴν, ὡς ὁ δοὺς ὠνόμαζεν, καὶ γῆν, ὡς ἂν ἐγὼ φαίην, ἐπειδὴ καὶ τέγγεται τοῖς ὑγροῖς.

Galen, Simple Drugs, 9.1 (XII.189–192 K.)

*Thanks to PN Singer for help with this one.

This mineral has quite a story. It is still sold as a drug today. No links, but here’s an entry on it from the 18th century. It is also used as a pigment and as a medium in gilding and bookbinding.

Aristotle on the Difficulty of Keeping Friends Close

As Berlin likely heads into lock-down, a note from Aristotle on friendship. I had buried this passage in a note some time ago, and felt like giving it a bit more room.

“We seek and pray for many friends, and at the same time we say that ‘there is no friend for the one who has many friends.’ Both are right. It is within the realm of possibilities for many people to live together in community and share in each other’s experience. This would be the most choiceworthy thing of all. It is also, however, the most difficult, and for this reason, it is necessary that the activity of sharing our experiences be kept among only a few people. And so not only is it difficult to make many friends (since you need to get to know one other), but also to enjoy the friends one has.”

καὶ τὸ ζητεῖν ἡμῖν καὶ εὔχεσθαι πολλοὺς φίλους, ἅμα δὲ λέγειν ὡς οὐθεὶς φίλος ᾧ πολλοὶ φίλοι, ἄμφω λέγεται ὀρθῶς. ἐνδεχομένου γὰρ πολλοῖς συζῆν ἅμα καὶ συναισθάνεσθαι ὡς πλείστοις αἱρετώτατον: ἐπεὶ δὲ χαλεπώτατον, ἐν ἐλάττοσιν ἀνάγκη τὴν ἐνέργειαν τῆς συναισθήσεως εἶναι, ὥστ᾽ οὐ μόνον χαλεπὸν τὸ πολλοὺς κτήσασθαι (πείρας γὰρ δεῖ), ἀλλὰ καὶ οὖσι χρήσασθαι.

Eudemian Ethics 7, 1245b20-25

Sacrifices – Plato on Diotima and the Plague of Athens

A reminder for the equinox.

“Alright, then, I'll let you go, and I'll try to describe to you the speech about Eros, which I once heard from a Mantinean woman, Diotima. She was wise about these and many other things. In fact, ten years before the plague, she held off that sickness by telling the Athenians what they needed to sacrifice. And she even taught me the art of love.”

καὶ σὲ μέν γε ἤδη ἐάσω: τὸν δὲ λόγον τὸν περὶ τοῦ Ἔρωτος, ὅν ποτ᾽ ἤκουσα γυναικὸς Μαντινικῆς Διοτίμας, ἣ ταῦτά τε σοφὴ ἦν καὶ ἄλλα πολλά—καὶ Ἀθηναίοις ποτὲ θυσαμένοις πρὸ τοῦ λοιμοῦ δέκα ἔτη ἀναβολὴν ἐποίησε τῆς νόσου, ἣ δὴ καὶ ἐμὲ τὰ ἐρωτικὰ ἐδίδαξεν—ὃν οὖν ἐκείνη ἔλεγε λόγον, πειράσομαι ὑμῖν διελθεῖν...

Plato, Symposium 201D