Some fumigations for lizards, snakes and scorpions

Philumenus’ On poisonous animals and their remedies is only available in one manuscript, Vat. gr. 284. A friend at the CMG has been working on a new edition of the text and hopefully it will be published soon. For now, the manuscript is digitized and available at the Vatican Library (with snake drawings in the margins).

Here is chapter six: on fumigations against snakes (and other things), which includes one recipe from Archigenes.

Fumigations for snakes

From Archigenes' works:

Hooves and hair of goats burnt at a distance. Snakes are repelled by their smell.

A compound incense of Philinus, the Theriac:

Of galbanum, root of kakhru, horn of deer, cumin, one ounce each

Grind all the ingredients, mix with vinegar and make them into tablets.

To use, the incense is soaked in oil and placed in the middle of the house, or if you are out in the open, in the middle of your bed.

Another:

of galbanum, of fat of the Egyptian mongoose, one ounce each.

Dissolve them together and store.

To use, fumigate in the same way as before.

Another one, Egyptian:

an old asp, soaked in oil.

[Place the] incense close to the snake's den and it will immediately come out.

Another, bringing down scorpions and every snake and driving them away from the house:

incense of equal amounts of galbanum, realgar, butter, bryony, fat of goat.

θυμιάματα ἑρπετῶν

ἐκ τῶν Ἀρχιγένους· ὁπλαὶ αἰγῶν καὶ τρίχες θυμιώμεναι πόρρωθεν· ἀναστέλλεται <γὰρ> τὰ ἑρπετὰ τῇ τούτων ὀσμῇ. σύνθετον θυμίαμα Φιλίνου <τοῦ> θηριακοῦ· χαλβάνης, κάχρυος τῆς ῥίζης, κέρατος ἐλαφείου, μελανθίου ἀνὰ 𐆄 α. λεάνας πάντα ἀναλάμβανε <ὄξει>, ποιῶν τροχίσκους. ἐπὶ δὲ τῆς χρείας ἀποβρέξας εἰς ἔλαιον θυμία κατὰ μέσον τῆς οἰκίας, ἐὰν δὲ ἐν ὑπαίθρῳ ᾖς, κατὰ μέσον τῆς κοίτης. ἄλλο· χαλβάνης, στέατος ἰχνεύμονος ἀνὰ 𐆄 α τήξας ἀπόθου· ἐπὶ δὲ τῆς χρείας θυμίασον ὁμοίως. ἄλλο Αἰγύπτιον· γῆρας ἀσπίδος βρέξας εἰς ἔλαιον [ἄλλο] θυμία ἐγγὺς τῶν φωλεῶν καὶ εὐθέως ἀναβήσονται. <ἄλλο> καταφέρον καὶ σκορπίους καὶ πᾶν ἑρπετὸν <ἀπελαῦνον> ἐξ οἰκίας· χαλβάνην, σανδαράκην, βούτυρον, βρυωνίαν, στέαρ αἴγειον ἐξ οἰκίς· χαλβάνην, σανδαράκην, βούτυρον, βρυωνίαν, στέαρ αἴγειον ἐξ ἴσου θυμία.

Philumenus, De venenatis animalibus eorumque remediis (On poisonous animals and their remedies), chapter 6 (p. 10,16-28 Wellmann)

Elderflower Cordial

We went out picking Elderflowers to make cordial to last us through the summer, so I nerded out and dug into my medical sources to see what they had to say about them.

Now, there is a magical side to Elder that Greco-Roman medicine doesn’t talk much about. There is the Elder Mother who protects the tree from those who would harm it. There is the fact that the tree itself protects against witchcraft (or lightning, or caterpillars, depending on who you read). There are also stories that the cross of Jesus of Nazareth was made of Elder wood and that Judas Iscariot hung himself from an Elder tree. There is even a wonderful tradition in Oxfordshire to ‘bleed the elder’ at the King Stone on midsummer eve to commemorate the time when an Elder tree / witch turned an invading Danish King and his army to stone.

In English it is Elder, German Holunder, Ancient Greek ἄκτη, Latin sambucus (as in the drink, sambuca, which doesn’t have Elder in it anymore). For the botanical name, Linnaeus adopted the Latin, and the Latin has an interesting history itself. It derives from the Greek word σαμβύκη (sambuke), the word for some kind of harp made from some kind of wood, which might be Elder, but might not be. The wood of the Elder is hollow, so not the best wood for making string instruments. It is good for wind ones, though, which is why Pliny tells us the sabuci is used by shepherds to make horns or flutes. He also says that the shepherds believe the best wood comes from trees out of earshot of any roosters…

There is a book from 1631 published in Leipzig, written by Dr. Martin Blochwich, called Anatomia Sambuci, Anatomy of the Elder (translated into English by the Royal Society later in the 17th century), which goes over identification, recipes and its use in treatments. The Grimm brothers approach the subject from a different angle in their tale of Frau Holle.

Here are the medical sources on Elder (Sambucus nigra L.). As usual, don’t try these.

Dioscorides

1. Elder—double: for one is something tree-like that has reed-shaped branches, round, whitish and of good length; the leaves, either three or four spaced at intervals around the twig, similar to the walnut, but with a heavy scent and smaller; and at the ends of the branches, round umbels that have white flowers, and fruit resembling terebinth, purple-black, like a grape-bunch, juicy and wine-like.

2. The other one is called ground-elder, but by others marsh-elder. It is smaller and more like an herb, having a square stem with many joints; the leaves, at intervals around each joint, are pinnatifid, similar to almond, but notched around and longer, heavy-scented. The umbel at the end is like that of the one before, also flower and fruit. The root below is long, the width of a finger. The power and use of both are the same: cooling, able to drive out water, certainly bad for the stomach. Boiled like vegetables, the leaves purge phlegm and bile, and the soft stems, taken in a dish, produce the same effects.

3. Also, its root boiled with wine and given along with the routine diet benefits dropsical patients, and its helps those bitten by vipers likewise when drunk. Boiled with water in a sitz bath, it softens and opens up the womb and it straightens out the conditions associated with it. Also, drinking the fruit with wine produces the same effect, and it also dyes hair black when smeared on. New and soft leaves with (a poultice of) barley groats soothe inflammations and are suitable for burns and dog bites when used as a plaster. They also glue together fistulas and they help those with gout when used as a plaster with beef or goat fat.

1. ἀκτῆ · δισσή· ἡ μὲν γάρ τίς ἐστι δενδρώδης, κλάδους καλαμοειδεῖς ἔχουσα, στρογγύλους, ὑπολεύκους, εὐμήκεις· τὰ δὲ φύλλα τρία ἢ τέσσαρα ἐκ διαστημάτων περὶ τὴν ῥάβδον, καρύᾳ βασιλικῇ ὅμοια, βαρύοσμα δὲ καὶ μικρότερα, ἐπ' ἄκρων δὲ τῶν κλάδων σκιάδια περιφερῆ, ἔχοντα ἄνθη λευκά, καρπὸν δὲ ἐοικότα τερεβίνθῳ, ἐν τῷ μέλανι ὑποπόρφυρον, βοτρυώδη, πολύχυλον, οἰνώδη.

2. τὸ δ' ἕτερον αὐτῆς χαμαιάκτη καλεῖται, ὑφ' ὧν δὲ ἕλειος ἀκτῆ· ἐλάττων δὲ καὶ βοτανωδεστέρα, καυλὸν ἔχουσα τετράγωνον, πολυγόνατον· τὰ δὲ φύλλα ἐκ διαστημάτων περὶ ἕκαστον γόνυ τεταρσωμένα, ὅμοια ἀμυγδαλῇ, κεχαραγμένα δὲ κύκλῳ καὶ μακρότερα, βαρύοσμα· σκιάδιον δὲ ἐπ' ἄκρου ὅμοιον τῇ πρὸ αὐτῆς καὶ ἄνθος καὶ καρπός· ῥίζα δ' ὕπεστι μακρά, δακτύλου τὸ πάχος. δύναμις δὲ ἡ αὐτὴ ἀμφοτέρων καὶ χρῆσις, ψυκτική, ὑδραγωγός, κακοστόμαχος μέντοι. ἑψόμενα δὲ τὰ φύλλα ὡς λάχανα καθαίρει φλέγμα καὶ χολήν, καὶ οἱ καυλοὶ δὲ ἁπαλοὶ ἐν λοπάδι ληφθέντες τὰ αὐτὰ ποιοῦσι.

3. καὶ ἡ ῥίζα δὲ αὐτῆς ἑψηθεῖσα σὺν οἴνῳ καὶ διδομένη παρὰ τὴν δίαιταν ὑδρωπικοὺς ὠφελεῖ, βοηθεῖ δὲ καὶ ἐχιδνοδήκτοις ὁμοίως πινομένη· ἀφεψηθεῖσα δὲ μεθ' ὕδατος εἰς ἐγκάθισμα ὑστέραν μαλάσσει καὶ ἀναστομοῖ καὶ διορθοῦται τὰς περὶ αὐτὴν διαθέσεις. καὶ ὁ καρπὸς δὲ σὺν οἴνῳ ποθεὶς τὰ αὐτὰ ποιεῖ, μελαίνει δὲ καὶ τρίχας ἐγχριόμενος. τὰ δὲ φύλλα πρόσφατα καὶ ἁπαλὰ φλεγμονὰς πραΰνει σὺν ἀλφίτῳ καὶ κατακαύμασιν ἁρμόζει καὶ κυνοδήκτοις καταπλασσόμενα· κολλᾷ δὲ <καὶ> ὑποφοράς, καὶ ποδαγρικοῖς βοηθεῖ μετὰ στέατος ταυρείου ἢ τραγείου καταπλασσόμενα.

Dioscorides, On Medical Materials, 4.173

Galen

Elder, the large and tree-like, and the more herb-like one, which they also call ground-elder. Both have a drying and an adhesive and moderately dispersive power.

Ἄκτη ἥ τε μεγάλη καὶ δενδρώδης καὶ ἡ βοτανωδεστέρα, ἥν περ δὴ καὶ χαμαιάκτην ὀνομάζουσιν· ξηραντικῆς ἀμφότεραι δυνάμεώς εἰσι, κολλητικῆς τε καὶ μετρίως διαφορητικῆς.

Galen, On Mixtures and Powers of Simple Drugs, 6.21

Oribasius

Elder, the tree-like and the ground-elder, both have a drying and an adhesive and moderately dispersive power.

Ἀκτὴ ἥ τε δενδρώδης καὶ ἡ χαμαιάκτη ξηραντικῆς ἀμφότεραι δυνάμεώς εἰσι τῆς κολλητικῆς τε καὶ μετρίως διαφορητικῆς.

Oribasius, Medical Collections, 15.1.1.40

Aetius of Amida

Elder, the large and tree-like, and the one called ground-elder, both have a drying and an adhesive and moderately dispersive power. The decoction of the root when drunk helps dropsical patients.

Ἀκτή, ἥ τε μεγάλη καὶ δενδρώδης καὶ ἡ χαμαιάκτη καλουμένη, ξηραντικῆς ἀμφότεραι δυνάμεως εἰσί, κολλητικῆς τε καὶ μετρίως διαφορητικῆς· ὠφελεῖ δὲ καὶ ὑδρωπικοὺς τὸ ἀφέψημα τῆς ῥίζης πινόμενον.

Aetius of Amida, Medical Books, 1.19

Theophrastus, what is the best season for growing things?

“It’s no wonder that it’s spring — the season is very life-promoting and especially fertile, because it is wet and warm.”

τὸ μὲν οὖν ἔαρ οὐδὲ θαυμάζεται, ζωτικωτάτη γὰρ ἡ ὥρα καὶ μάλιστα γόνιμος, ὑγρά τις οὖσα καὶ θερμή.

Theophrastus, Causes of Plants, 1.13.4

“The climate needs to have a certain warmth and wetness, just like spring. Everyone agrees that spring is best for sprouting.”

δεῖ γὰρ δὴ τὴν ὥραν ὑγρότητά τινα καὶ θερμότητα ἔχειν ὥσπερ καὶ τὸ ἔαρ. αὕτη μὲν ὁμολογουμένη μάλιστα πρὸς βλάστησιν.

Theophrastus, Causes of Plants, 1.13.5

Plum, crimson, vermilion, scarlet

Theophrastus, History of Plants, 3.6.4

"Some people deny that wild kinds of trees have deep roots because of the fact that they all grow from seed. Their claim is not quite correct, since it is possible for the trees to send down deep roots once they've become established. Even most vegetables do this, although they are weaker and clearly germinate in the ground. The kermes oak seems to be the most deep-rooted of the wild trees, while fir and pine are moderately so, and shallowest are the joint fir, the plum tree, and the bullace (this one is like a wild plum)."

Βαθύρριζα δὲ οὔ φασί τινες εἶναι τὰ ἄγρια διὰ τὸ φύεσθαι πάντα ἀπὸ σπέρματος, οὐκ ἄγαν ὀρθῶς λέγοντες. ἐνδέχεται γὰρ ὅταν ἐμβιώσῃ πόρρω καθιέναι τὰς ῥίζας· ἐπεὶ καὶ τῶν λαχάνων τὰ πολλὰ τοῦτο ποιεῖ, καίπερ ἀσθενέστερα ὄντα καὶ ἐναργῶς φυόμενα <ἐν> τῇ γῇ. Βαθυρριζότατον δ' οὖν δοκεῖ τῶν ἀγρίων εἶναι ἡ πρῖνος· ἐλάτη δὲ καὶ πεύκη μετρίως, ἐπιπολαιότατον δὲ θραύπαλος καὶ κοκκυμηλέα καὶ σποδιάς· αὕτη δ' ἐστὶν ὥσπερ ἀγρία κοκκυμηλέα.*

*κοκκυμηλέα plum tree. κοκκύμηλον plum.  The word κόκκος originally meant grain or seed, but came to pick out the colour we call “scarlet”, “crimson” or “kermes” — all these words are closely related historically. Here’s the story. There is species of scale insect that lives only on the sap of a tree called the kermes or scarlet oak, the deep-rooted πρῖνος Theophrastus mentions above. As these insects feed, they gather in clumps on the oaks and look like red grains or seeds.  In antiquity, these apparent grains were confused with galls (cf. Dioscorides 4.48, Pliny 22.3), another common source of dyes (like oak gall, the major ingredient in medieval inks). The grains (i.e., the insects) were collected, ground up and treated with various solvents (vinegar according to Dioscorides) in order to extract the red dye from their shells. This preparation was used for all sorts of textiles, but it is most notable for dyeing what we call “scarlet”, a name that originally applied to a specific kind of woolen cloth. At some point, the name used for the grain that was used in the dye (κόκκος) came to be used for the colour of the dye itself, hence κόκκος: “a brilliant red hue”. Some of the most common names that we use for vibrant red hues are connected to this dye. The colour vermilion is named for the “little worms” (vermeillons), i.e., the insects, that live on the kermes oak. Scarlet, the colour, gets its name from scarlet, the cloth dyed with the insects. And crimson comes from kermes, a medieval spelling of the Arabic word qirmiz (قِرْمِز ), whose roots reach back to Persian and Sanskrit, krmi-ja, which means “produced by a worm.” The fruit of the plum tree, with its brilliant red skin, might be etymologized as “the scarlet apple”; but, then again, I usually think of plums as purple. I've also seen the name derived from cuckoo (κόκκυξ +  μήλον), cf. Nicander ap. Athenaeus of Naucratis, Deipnosophistae 2.33: “μῆλον ὃ κόκκυγος καλέουσι (a melon which they name after cuckoos)”— maybe because the fruit, like the cuckoo, is related to springtime? Medical note: The kermes dye used to be part of a very popular pre-twentieth century cardiac remedy, or cordial (maybe because of its bright red colour?): the confectio alchermes.

Dioscorides, De materia medica 1.121

"The plum is a well-known tree, whose fruit is edible, bad for the stomach, and able to relax the belly. When the fruit of Syrian plums is dried, especially those grown in Damascus, it is good for the stomach and compacts the belly. A decoction of the leaves prepared in wine and then gargled restrains secretions from the uvula, gums and tonsils. When dried, the ripened fruit of the wild plum brings about the same thing, and when boiled with must, it becomes better for the stomach and able to restrain the belly more. The gum from the plum tree is glutinous, able to break apart kidney stones when drunk with wine, and used as an ointment with vinegar it heals lichen that appears on children."

κοκκυμηλέα δένδρον ἐστὶ γνώριμον, οὗ ὁ καρπὸς ἐδώδιμος, κακοστόμαχος, κοιλίας μαλακτικός· τῶν δὲ Συριακῶν καὶ μάλιστα τῶν ἐν Δαμασκῷ γεννωμένων ὁ καρπὸς ξηρανθεὶς εὐστόμαχος καὶ κοιλίας σταλτικός. τὸ δὲ ἀφέψημα τῶν φύλλων ἐν οἴνῳ σκευαζόμενον καὶ ἀναγαργαριζόμενον κιονίδα καὶ οὖλα καὶ παρίσθμια ῥευματιζόμενα στέλλει. τὰ δὲ αὐτὰ παρέχει καὶ ὁ τῶν ἀγρίων κοκκυμηλέων καρπὸς πέπειρος ξηρανθείς, ἑψηθεὶς δὲ μετὰ ἑψήματος εὐστομαχώτερος καὶ σταλτικώτερος κοιλίας γίνεται. τὸ δὲ κόμμι τῆς κοκκυμηλέας ἐστὶ κολλητικόν, λίθων θρυπτικὸν πινόμενον σὺν οἴνῳ, σὺν ὄξει δὲ ἐπιχριόμενον λειχῆνας τοὺς ἐπὶ παιδίων θεραπεύει.

p. 111,14-112,6 Wellmann

Pliny the Elder, Natural History, 23.66-69

"The boiled leaves of the plum are good for the tonsils, gums and uvula, washing the mouth with it now and then. The plum itself relaxes the belly, and is not very good for the stomach, but it only lasts a short time. Peaches and their juice are better, also when squeezed into wine or vinegar. No other food is less harmful than this fruit. In nothing is there less of an odour and more juice (which nevertheless stimulates thirst). Its leaves stop haemorrhage when ground and applied. Peach pits with olive oil and vinegar are applied for headache. As for wild plums, however, the fruit or skin of the root, if decocted in dry wine to a third of a hemina, restrains the belly and intestinal pain. One cyathos of the decoction at a time is enough. And growing upon this tree and the cultivated plum tree, there is a tree resin*, which the Greeks call lichen, wonderfully useful for fistulae and hemorrhoids."

*This is wonderful. Pliny or his source has misread Dioscorides, thinking the gum of the plum itself is called lichen, rather than the disease which affects children.

/66 Pruni folia in vino decocta tonsillis, gingivis, uvae prosunt, subinde colluto ore. ipsa pruna alvum molliunt, stomacho non utilissima, sed brevi momento. /67 Utiliora persica sucusque eorum, etiam in vino aut in aceto expressus. neque alius eis pomis innocentior cibis; nusquam minus odoris, suci plus, qui tamen sitim stimulet . . . . . folia eius trita inlita haemorrhagian sistunt. nuclei persicorum cum oleo et aceto capitis doloribus inlinuntur. /68 Silvestrium quidem prunorum bacae, vel e radice cortex, in vino austero si decoquantur ita, ut triens ex hemina supersit, alvum sistunt et tormina. satis est singulos cyathos decocti sumi.  /69 Et in his et sativis prunis est limus arborum, quem Graeci lichena appellant, rhagadis et condylomatis mire utilis.

Galen, On Simple Drugs, 7.35, XII 32-3 Kühn

"The fruit of the plum tree has a laxative effect, and more so when it is fresh, less when dry. For some reason, Dioscorides says dried plums from Damascus support the belly. Clearly, they are laxative, but less than those from Iberia. The ones from Damascus are more astringent, while those from Iberia are sweeter, and the trees as well are like the fruits. Those in Iberia are less astringent, those in Damascus more. To speak generally about them, there is some clear astringency present in the leaves and buds, when these are boiled down in water, they make a mouthwash for inflammation of the uvula and tonsils. The fruit of wild plum trees is obviously astringent and compacts the belly. This plant is called proumnon in Asia. Some say the gum of the tree is able to break up kidney stones when drunk with wine, but with vinegar cures children's lichen. If it does this, then it is clear that it has a capacity to be dissolving an diffusive."

Κοκκυμηλέας ὁ καρπὸς ὑπάγει γαστέρα, καὶ πρόσφατος μὲν ὑπάρχων μᾶλλον, ξηρανθεὶς δ' ἧττον. Διοσκουρίδης δ' οὐκ οἶδ' ὅπως τὰ Δαμασκηνὰ κοκκύμηλα ξηρανθέντα φησὶν ὑπέχειν γαστέρα. ὑπάγει μὲν γὰρ καὶ ταῦτα σαφῶς, ἀλλ' ἧττον τῶν ἐκ τῆς Ἰβηρίας. ἔστι δὲ τὰ μὲν Δαμασκηνὰ στυπτικώτερα, τὰ δ' ἐκ τῆς Ἰβηρίας γλυκύτερα, καὶ δὴ καὶ τὰ δένδρα τοῖς καρποῖς ἀνάλογον. ἧττον μὲν στυπτικὰ τὰ κατὰ τὴν Ἰβηρίαν, μᾶλλον δὲ τὰ κατὰ τὴν Δαμασκόν. ἁπλῶς δ' εἰπεῖν ὧν ἐν τοῖς φύλλοις ἢ τοῖς βλαστοῖς ἐμφαίνεταί τις στύψις σαφὴς, ταῦτα ἀφεψόμενα διάκλυσμα γίγνεται τῶν περὶ γαργαρεῶνα καὶ παρίσθμια φλεγμονῶν. ὁ δὲ τῶν ἀγρίων καρπὸς στυπτικὸς ἐναργῶς ἐστι καὶ σταλτικὸς γαστρός. ὀνομάζεται δὲ τὸ φυτὸν τοῦτο κατὰ τὴν Ἀσίαν προῦμνον. τὸ δὲ κόμμι τοῦ δένδρου φασὶν ἔνιοι μετ' οἴνου πινόμενον λίθων εἶναι θρυπτικὸν, σὺν ὄξει δὲ λειχῆνας ἰᾶσθαι παίδων, καὶ εἴπερ αὐτὸ ποιεῖ, δῆλον ὡς τμητικῆς τε καὶ λεπτομεροῦς μετέχει δυνάμεως.

Athenaeus, Deipnosophistae, 2.33

"Clearchus the Peripatetic and Theocritus from Syracuse say that people from Rhodes and Sicily call the plum, 'brabyla.' "

Κλέαρχος δ' ὁ περιπατητικός φησι  Ῥοδίους καὶ Σικελιώτας βράβυλα καλεῖν τὰ κοκκύμηλα, ὡς καὶ Θεόκριτος ὁ Συρακούσιος.

Aetius of Amida, Medical Books I 209

"The fruit of the plum tree. It has more of a laxative effect when fresh, less when dry. Plums from Damascus are more astringent. Those from Iberia are sweeter, and for this reason, more laxative.  There is some clear astringency present in the leaves, which is why when they are boiled in water they make a mouthwash for inflammations of the uvula and tonsils."

Κοκκυμηλέας ὁ καρπός. Ὑπάγει τὴν γαστέρα πρόσφατος μὲν ὑπάρχων μᾶλλον, ξηρανθεὶς δὲ ἧττον· ἐστὶ δὲ τὰ μὲν δαμασκηνὰ κοκκύμηλα στυπτικώτερα. τὰ δὲ ἐκ τῆς Ἰβηρίας γλυκύτερα, καὶ διὰ τοῦτο ὑπακτικώτερα, ἐν δὲ τοῖς φύλλοις ἐμφαίνεταί τις στύψις σαφής, ὅθεν ἑψόμενα διάκλυσμα γίνεται τῶν περὶ γαργαρεῶνα καὶ παρίσθμια φλεγμονῶν.

p. 91,3-8 Olivieri

Paul of Aegina, Epitome of Medicine, 7.3.10

"The fruit of the plum tree opens the belly more when fresh, less when dried. A decoction of it cures inflammation of the uvula when used as a mouthwash. The gum of the tree has a dissolving and diffusive power, which some say is able to break-up kidney stones when drunk with wine, while with vinegar cures children's lichen. The fruit of wild plums are clearly astringent and able to compact the belly. The plant is called 'proumnon' in Asia. Dioscorides seems to say that the domesticated plum, when dried, is what is now called the Damascene."

Κοκκυμηλέας ὁ καρπὸς ὑπάγει γαστέρα πρόσφατος μὲν μᾶλλον, ξηρανθεὶς δὲ ἧττον. τὸ δὲ ἀφέψημα αὐτοῦ τὰς κατὰ γαργαρεῶνα φλεγμονὰς ἰᾶται διακλυζόμενον. τὸ δὲ κόμμι τοῦ δένδρου τμητικῆς τε καὶ λεπτομεροῦς δυνάμεως, ὅ φασιν ἔνιοι μετ' οἴνου πινόμενον λίθων εἶναι θρυπτικόν, σὺν ὄξει δὲ λειχῆνας ἰᾶσθαι παίδων. ὁ δὲ τῶν ἀγρίων κοκκυμήλων καρπὸς στυπτικὸς ἐναργῶς ἐστι καὶ σταλτικὸς γαστρός· ὀνομάζεται δὲ τὸ φυτὸν τοῦτο κατὰ τὴν Ἀσίαν προῦμνον. ἔοικε δὲ τὰ ἥμερα ξηρανθέντα κοκκύμηλα τὰ νῦν Δαμασκηνὰ προσαγορευόμενα λέγειν ὁ Διοσκουρίδης.

p. 227,5-13 Heiberg

Alexis ap. Athenaeus of Naucratis, Deipnosophistae, 2.33

A: I think I had a dream that showed me I would win!

B: Tell it to me.

A: Pay close attention, now. I was in the rivals' stadium, when someone appeared to place a garland on me, someone who came at me naked … with a braided wreath of plums.

B: By Heracles!

A: καὶ μὴν ἐνύπνιον οἴομαί γ' ἑορακέναι νικητικόν.

B: λέγ' αὐτό.

A: τὸν νοῦν πρόσεχε δή. ἐν τῷ σταδίῳ τῶν ἀνταγωνιστῶν μέ τις ἐδόκει στεφανοῦν γυμνὸς προσελθὼν … στεφάνῳ κυλιστῷ κοκκυμήλων.

B:  Ἡράκλεις.

Soda and onions

Continuing with Aetius of Amida's pharmacy and its parallels: onions.

Philumenus on onions as a cure for bites of all kinds.

"For dog bites or people bites, apply a poultice of fine salt mixed with honey until the bite is filled. Some also add onion and vinegar and then use it."

πρὸς οὖν κυνόδηκτα καὶ ἀνθρωπόδηκτα ἅλας λεῖον σὺν μέλιτι κατάπλασσε, ἄχρις οὗ πλήρη ᾖ. τινὲς δὲ καὶ κρόμμυον προσμίσγουσιν καὶ ὄξους καὶ οὕτως χρῶνται.

Philumenus, On poisonous animals and their remedies [De venenatis animalibus eorumque remediis], 5.6 (10,7-9 Wellman)

Galen on onions.

"The onion belongs to the fourth degree of things that heat. Its substance is composed of rather large particles, which is why it also opens up hemorrhoids when it is applied; when used full strength with vinegar in the sun, it washes away skin lesions; and when rubbed on bald spots, it stimulates the hair faster than alcuonium. If one separates off its juice, whatever remains is a considerably earthy, hot substance, but the juice itself is a watery and airy hot substance. Thus, when it is used as a salve against thick humours, it benefits cataract sufferers and those who are short-sighted. Due to its mixture, the onion generally causes flatulence when eaten, and for this reason, those which are drier in their mixture cause less flatulence."

Κρόμμυον ἐκ τῆς τετάρτης ἐστὶ τάξεως τῶν θερμαινόντων. ἡ δ' οὐσία παχυμερής ἐστιν αὐτοῦ μᾶλλον, ὅθεν καὶ τὰς αἱμοῤῥοΐδας ἀναστομοῖ προστιθέμενον καὶ σὺν ὄξει καταχριόμενον ἐν ἡλίῳ τοὺς ἀλφοὺς ἀποῤῥύπτει καὶ παρατριβόμενον ἀλωπεκίαις θᾶττον ἀλκυονίου παρορμᾷ τὰς τρίχας. εἰ δ' ἀποχωρίσειεν αὐτοῦ τις τὸν χυλὸν, ὅσον μὲν ὑπόλοιπον ἱκανῶς ἐστι γεώδους οὐσίας θερμῆς, αὐτὸς δ' ὁ χυλὸς ὑδατώδους τε καὶ ἀερώδους θερμότητος. οὕτω οὖν καὶ τοὺς ὑποχεομένους καὶ ἀμβλυώττοντας ἐπὶ πάχει χυμῶν ὀνίνησιν ὑπαλειφόμενος. ἐκ δὲ τῆς τούτου κράσεως ὅλον τὸ κρόμμυον φυσῶδές ἐστιν ἐσθιόμενον, καὶ διὰ τοῦτο ὅσα ξηρότερα τὴν κρᾶσιν ἀφυσότερα.

Galen, On the mixtures and capacities of simple drugs, 7.58 (XII 48-49 Kühn)

Oribasius' concise summary.

"Onion belongs to the fourth rank of things that heat. Its substance is composed of thick particles."

Κρόμμυον ἐκ τῆς τετάρτης ἐστὶ τάξεως τῶν θερμαινόντων· ἡ δὲ οὐσία παχυμερής ἐστιν.

Oribasius, Collectiones medicae, 15.1.10.79 (260,26-28 Raeder)

Aetius' entry based on Galen.

"Onion belongs to the fourth degree of things that heat. Its substance is composed of very large particles, whence it also opens up hemorrhoids when it is applied; when used full strength with vinegar in the sun, it washes away skin lesions; and when rubbed on bald spots, it stimulates the hair faster than alcuonium. When eaten, it heats the body with its acridity and thins thick and sticky humours in it. It fills the abdomen with air because its substance is composed of very thick particles."

Κρόμυον ἐκ τῆς τετάρτης ἐστὶ τάξεως τῶν θερμαινόντων· ἡ δὲ οὐσία αὐτοῦ παχυμερὴς μᾶλλον, ὅθεν καὶ τὰς αἱμορροίδας ἀναστομοῖ προστιθέμενον καὶ σὺν ὄξει καταχριόμενον ἐν ἡλίῳ τοὺς ἀλφοὺς ἀπορρύπτει καὶ παρατριβόμενον ἀλωπεκίαις θᾶττον ἀλκυονίου παρορμᾷ τὰς τρίχας. ἐσθιόμενον δὲ θερμαίνει μὲν τὸ σῶμα τῇ δριμύτητι καὶ λεπτύνει τοὺς ἐν αὐτῷ παχεῖς καὶ γλίσχρους χυμούς· ἐμπνευματοῖ δὲ τὴν γαστέρα διὰ τὸ παχυμερὲς τῆς οὐσίας.

Aetius of Amida, Libri medicinales, I 232 (97,14-20 Olivieri)

Cf. Dioscorides, De materia medica, 2.151 (p.155 in Beck), which mentions many of the other uses of onions as well, adding to what is said above that it's useful for blisters on the feet (when it is mixed with chicken fat, hardness of hearing, sore throats, and stuffy noses, but that it causes headaches. He leaves out the part about people bites. Oddly, none of these passages mention the fact that onions make your cry, a fact that Aristotle's school was rather interested in:

(pseudo-)Aristotle on why onions cause tears, while garlic does not.

"Why is it that only onions cause the eyes to sting so excessively? People even say it got its name because of this, since [κρόμμυον] makes the pupil close [τὴν κόρην συμμύειν]. Marjoram doesn't, nor do other things which are acrid. Thus, watercress [lit. "up the nose"], because it is hotter, causes more drying than the colliquescence that it produces, since it produces tears in those who eat it; it does not, however, [produce tears] when it is brought close by, because it does not give off any thin vapour, for it is too dry and hot. Marjoram and similar hot things are dry and mild, but what is going to produce tears needs to be stinging, moist and sticky. For this reason, olive oil produces tears, although its stinging is weak. For because of its stickiness and fineness, it produces pain when it penetrates [the flesh], and produces liquefaction because of the pain. The onion has a similar capacity, hence the moisture and vapour from it is hot, fine and sticky. Thus, when it is brought close by, because of the kind of vapour that it is and because it carries with it a fine moisture, it produces tears; when it is eaten, the exhalation passes through […there is a lacuna here…]. Garlic is hot and acrid and has moisture, but it is not sticky, so it does not produce tears.

Διὰ τί τὸ κρόμμυον μόνον οὕτως περιττῶς δάκνει τὼ ὀφθαλμώ (διὸ καὶ τοὔνομά φασι τοῦτ' ἔχειν αὐτό, ὡς τὴν κόρην ποιεῖν συμμύειν), ἡ δὲ ὀρίγανος οὔ, οὐδ' ἄλλα δριμέα ὄντα; καὶ γὰρ τὸ ἀνάρρινον μᾶλλον δάκνον οὐ ποιεῖ ὁμοίως δακρύειν προσφερόμενον, τὸ δὲ προσφερόμενον καὶ κατατρωγόμενον. ἢ ὅτι διαφοραὶ πολλαὶ ἀκολουθοῦσιν ἑκάστοις τῶν δριμέων, ἃ ποιεῖ τὴν ἰδίαν ἑκάστου δύναμιν; τὸ μὲν οὖν ἀνάρρινον διὰ τὸ θερμότερον εἶναι ξηραντικώτερόν ἐστι τῆς γινομένης ὑπ' αὐτοῦ συντήξεως, ἐπεὶ ποιεῖ γε δάκρυον ἐσθίοντι· προσφερόμενον δὲ οὔ, ὅτι οὐκ ἀπατμίζει ἀπ' αὐτοῦ λεπτόν τι· ξηρότερον γάρ ἐστι καὶ θερμότερον. ἡ δὲ ὀρίγανος καὶ τὰ τοιαῦτα θερμὰ ξηρά ἐστιν ἠρέμα. δεῖ δὲ τὸ μέλλον δάκρυον ποιήσειν δηκτικὸν καὶ ὑγρὸν εἶναι καὶ γλίσχρον. διὸ καὶ τὸ ἔλαιον ποιεῖ δακρύειν, ἀσθενῆ ἔχον δῆξιν· διὰ γλισχρότητα γὰρ καὶ λεπτότητα παραδῦνον ποιεῖ τὸν πόνον, καὶ τὴν σύντηξιν διὰ τὸν πόνον. τὸ δὲ κρόμμυον τοιαύτην ἔχει τὴν δύναμιν ὥστε καὶ τὸ ὑγρὸν καὶ τὴν ἀτμίδα αὐτοῦ θερμὴν καὶ λεπτὴν καὶ γλίσχραν εἶναι. ὥστε προσφερόμενον μέν, διὰ τὸ τὴν ἀτμίδα τοιαύτην εἶναι καὶ συναφιέναι ὑγρότητα λεπτήν, ποιεῖ δακρύειν, ἐσθιομένου δὲ ἡ ἀναθυμίασις διιοῦσα ... τὸ δὲ σκόροδον θερμὸν μὲν καὶ δριμύ ἐστι καὶ ὑγρότητα ἔχει, ἀλλ' οὐ γλίσχρον· διὸ οὐ ποιεῖ δακρύειν.

Pseudo-Aristotle, Problemata, 21.22, 925a27-925b12

Alexis on knowing frivolous things.

"You don’t know what you're talking about. Run over and have a conversation with Plato and become enlightened about soda and onions."

λέγεις περὶ ὧν οὐκ οἶσθα· συγγενοῦ τρέχων
Πλάτωνι καὶ γνώσῃ λίτρον καὶ κρόμμυον.

Alexis, Ancylion ap. Diogenes Laertius, Vita philosophorum, 3.37

The double difference of mushrooms

"There is a double difference with mushrooms. For they are either edible or they are poisonous. They are like this for many reasons. For either they grow up alongside rusted warts, or putrefying rags, or creeping animals' caves, or particularly harmful plants. And some kinds of mushrooms have a slippery scum, and when they are stored after being picked quickly become poisonous, since they are putrefying. Some, however, are not like this, but make for pleasant tasting stock. Nevertheless, if they are eaten in too great a quantity, they, too, are harmful because they are not easily digested, either choking or bringing on nausea. Everyone who drinks it is aided by soda and oil, or lye with brine, or a decoction of savory or oregano, or bird droppings taken with vinegar, or by licking a lot of honey. They are nutritious and hard to dissolve. People for the most part are restored after evacuating them along with bodily residues."

μυκήτων διαφορὰ δισσή· ἢ γὰρ βρώσιμοί εἰσιν ἢ φθαρτικοί. παρὰ πολλὰς δὲ αἰτίας γίνονται τοιοῦτοι· ἢ γὰρ ἥλοις κατιωμένοις ἢ ῥάκεσι σεσηπόσιν ἢ ἑρπετῶν φωλεοῖς παραφύονται ἢ δένδρεσιν ἰδίως βλαπτικοῖς. ἔχουσι δὲ καὶ γλινώδη οἱ τοιοῦτοι ἐπίπαγον, κατατεθέντες δὲ μετὰ τὸ ἀφαιρεθῆναι ταχέως διαφθείρονται σηπόμενοι· οἱ δὲ μὴ τοιοῦτοι, ζωμοποιοὶ ἡδεῖς. πλεονασθέντες μέντοι καὶ οὗτοι βλάπτουσι δυσπεπτούμενοι, πνίγοντες ἢ χολέραν ἐπάγοντες. βοηθοῦνται δὲ πάντες ποτιζόμενοι νίτρῳ καὶ ἐλαίῳ ἢ κονίᾳ μετ' ὀξάλμης ἢ θύμβρας ἀποζέματι ἢ ὀριγάνῳ ἢ ὀρνιθείᾳ κόπρῳ μετ' ὄξους   πινομένῃ ἢ μέλιτι πολλῷ ἐκλειχομένῳ. τρόφιμοι δέ εἰσι καὶ δυσδιάλυτοι· ὁλοσχερεῖς δὲ ὡς ἐπὶ τὸ πολὺ σὺν τοῖς περιττώμασιν ἀποδίδονται.

Dioscorides, De materia medica, 4.82

"Mushrooms are considerably cold and moist, whence they also come close to having a noxious capacity. And some of them are certainly deadly, especially those whose nature is mixed with some putrefactive quality."

Μύκης ψυχρὸν καὶ ὑγρὸν ἱκανῶς φυτὸν, ὅθεν καὶ δηλητηρίου δυνάμεως ἐγγὺς ἥκει. καί τινές γε ἐξ αὐτῶν καὶ ἀναιροῦσι, καὶ μάλισθ' ὅσοι τὴν φύσιν ἐπίμικτον ἔχουσιν σηπεδονώδει τινὶ ποιότητι.

Galen, On simple drugs, 7.12.25 (XII 79,17-80,2 Kühn)

"Mushrooms are considerably cold and moist in their mixture and come close to having a noxious capacity."

Μύκητες ψυχροὶ καὶ ὑγροὶ τὴν κρᾶσιν ἱκανῶς καὶ δηλητηρίου δυνάμεως ἐγγὺς ἥκουσιν.

Oribasius, Collectiones medicae, XV 1.12.87 (266,5-6 Raeder)

"Mushrooms are a considerably cold and moist food, whence they also come close to having a noxious capacity and some of them are also deadly."

Μύκητες ψυχρὸν καὶ ὑγρὸν ἱκανῶς ἔδεσμα, ὅθεν καὶ δηλητηρίου δυνάμεως ἐγγὺς ἥκουσι καί τινες αὐτῶν καὶ ἀναιροῦσι.

Aetius of Amida, Libri medicinales, I 284 (112,14-15 Olivieri)

"Diocles of Carystus, in the first book of Matters of Health, says: ‘wild plants to be boiled: beetroot, mallow, docks, nettles, orach, grape-hyacinth, truffles, mushrooms'."

Διοκλῆς ὁ Καρύστιος ἐν αʹ Ὑγιεινῶν φησιν· ‘ἄγρια ἑψήματα τεῦτλον, μαλάχη, λάπαθον, ἀκαλήφη, ἀνδράφαξυς, βολβοί, ὕδνα, μύκαι.’

Athenaeus of Naucratis, Deipnosophistae (epitome), 2.57, 61c  = fr. 195 van der Eijk

"Kephisodoros, a student of Isocrates, in his books against Aristotle (four books, in fact), criticizes the philosopher because he did not consider it worthwhile to produce a work collecting proverbs, although Antiphanes made a whole play entitled, “Proverbs”, from which these words are cited:

'Actually, if I eat any of your stuff, I'd look like I was eating raw mushrooms or sour apples or some other food that chokes a person.'

Mushrooms are produced earth-born and there are few of them that are edible. Many, in fact, are liable to suffocate (=choke) you. That’s why Epicharmus said jokingly:

'You're suffocating me like mushrooms drying out my mouth'."

ὅτι Κηφισόδωρος ὁ Ἰσοκράτους μαθητὴς ἐν τοῖς κατὰ Ἀριστοτέλους (τέσσαρα δ' ἐστὶ ταῦτα βιβλία) ἐπιτιμᾷ τῷ φιλοσόφῳ ὡς οὐ ποιήσαντι λόγου ἄξιον τὸ παροιμίας ἀθροῖσαι, Ἀντιφάνους ὅλον ποιήσαντος δρᾶμα τὸ ἐπιγραφόμενον Παροιμίαι· ἐξ οὗ καὶ παρατίθεται τάδε·

«ἐγὼ γὰρ εἰ τῶν ὑμετέρων φάγοιμί τι, μύκητας ὠμοὺς ἂν φαγεῖν <ἐμοὶ> δοκῶ καὶ στρυφνὰ μῆλα κεἴ τι πνίγει βρῶμά τι.»

φύονται δὲ οἱ μύκητες γηγενεῖς καί εἰσιν αὐτῶν ἐδώδιμοι ὀλίγοι· οἱ γὰρ πολλοὶ ἀποπνίγουσιν. διὸ καὶ Ἐπίχαρμος παίζων ἔφη·

«οἷον αἱ μύκαι ἄρ' ἐπεσκληκότες πνιξεῖσθε.»

Athenaeus of Naucratis, Deipnosophistae (epitome), 2.56-2.57, 60e-f

Notes from Cambridge on Amber and Land Crocodiles

The first two books of Aetius of Amida's medical text are about 'materia medica': what are the pharmacological effects of various plants, animals and minerals and (to a lesser extent) how do we judge the potency of a given sample of a drug? Most of the time, the entries are taken from Galen's Mixtures and Capacities of Simple Drugs and Capacities of Foods. Sometimes we come across entries from other people who wrote on 'materia medica', like Dioscorides. Less frequently, there are bits and pieces from some lost works of authors we don't know from any other source.

The entry on amber, for instance, is not given a parallel by the books' editor, Olivieri. It seems, however, that it may have been taken from a pseudo-Dioscorides, who wrote a work called "On Stones".

Here's the passage from Aetius.

"Amber, soukinon or lingourion. When drunk, it cures urinary problems and helps stomach problems. Also, golden-amber drunk with mastic cures stomach pain."

Ἤλεκτρον ἢ σούκινον ἢ λιγγούριον. Πινόμενον ἰᾶται δυσουρίαν καὶ στομαχικοὺς ὠφελεῖ, καὶ ὁ χρυσήλεκτρος δὲ πινόμενος σὺν μαστίχῃ ἀλγήματα στομάχου ἰᾶται.

Aëtius of Amida, Libri medicinales II 35 (167,23-25 Olivieri)

And here's the parallel passage from pseudo-Dioscorides:

"Stone of amber, or lyngourion, or soukhinon. When drunk, this cures urinary problems and helps stomach problems as well as pallor. And amber drunk with mastic cures stomach pains."

Λίθος ἠλέκτρου ἢ λυγγούριον ἢ σούχινον. Πινόμενος οὗτος ἰᾶται δυσουρίαν καὶ στομαχικοὺς ὠφελεῖ καὶ ὠχριάσεις· καὶ τὸ ἤλεκτρον δὲ σὺν μαστίχῃ πινόμενον ἀλγήματα στομάχου ἰᾶται.

Pseudo-Dioscorides, On Stones c.10 (Volume 2, Part 1, p.180,13-15 Rulle)

There are a few little differences in them. The biggest: Pseudo-Dioscorides has "καὶ ὠχριάσεις· καὶ τὸ ἤλεκτρον" while Olivieri's text of Aetius has "καὶ ὁ χρυσήλεκτρος". But we can explain this, I think, by assuming there was a mistake in the transmission of Aetius. Maybe a copyist misread (or misheard?) "ὠχριάσεις" as "ὠ χριάσεις" or as "ὁ χρυς καὶ ἤλεκτρον" (like the 'iotacism' we see in "λυγγούριον" > "λιγγούριον" - upsilons at some point started to sound like iotas), correcting it to χρυσήλεκτρος: "golden-amber" (the stuff is mentioned by Pliny, but what other kind of amber is there?).

Some Renaissance editors seem to have had the same opinion. Olivieri notes that the ψ-family of mss. has "καὶ ὠχρούς". Not sure how that happened, but to me it suggests someone thought it appropriate to amend the text, and emended it (or restored it) to something awfully close to On Stones, in which amber is a cure for pallor.

On Pallor

Aristotle discusses pallor in the context of a discussion on predication, i.e., when we say someone 'is pale' as opposed to something less permanent, like 'turned pale' or 'looking pale'.

"All those circumstances that have taken their start from certain affections that are difficult to change and are permanent are called 'qualities'. For when pallor or darkness are produced in a person's natural composition, they are called a quality, because we are said to be a certain quality in accordance with them; and when pallor or darkness have occurred because of a long illness or a sunburn and are they are not easily returned to their previous state or even remain throughout life, they are also called qualities, since we are likewise said to be a certain quality because of them. But whichever [circumstances] come about from something that easily disperses and quickly returns to its  previous state are called 'affections', because people are not said to be a certain quality because of them. For someone who turns purple because of shame is not called 'purple'; someone who turns pale because of fear is not called 'pale', rather one is said to have been somehow affected. These kinds of things, therefore, are called affections, not qualities."

ὅσα μὲν οὖν τῶν τοιούτων συμπτωμάτων ἀπό τινων παθῶν δυσκινήτων καὶ παραμονίμων τὴν ἀρχὴν εἴληφε ποιότητες λέγονται· εἴτε γὰρ ἐν τῇ κατὰ φύσιν συστάσει ὠχρότης ἢ μελανία γεγένηται, ποιότης λέγεται,  – ποιοὶ γὰρ κατὰ ταύτας λεγόμεθα, –  εἴτε διὰ νόσον μακρὰν ἢ διὰ καῦμα [τὸ αὐτὸ] συμβέβηκεν ὠχρότης ἢ μελανία, καὶ μὴ ῥᾳδίως ἀποκαθίστανται ἢ καὶ διὰ βίου παραμένουσι, ποιότητες καὶ αὐταὶ λέγονται,  – ὁμοίως γὰρ ποιοὶ κατὰ ταύτας λεγόμεθα. –  ὅσα δὲ ἀπὸ ῥᾳδίως διαλυομένων καὶ ταχὺ ἀποκαθισταμένων γίγνεται πάθη λέγεται· οὐ γὰρ λέγονται ποιοί τινες κατὰ ταῦτα· οὔτε γὰρ ὁ ἐρυθριῶν διὰ τὸ αἰσχυνθῆναι ἐρυθρίας λέγεται, οὔτε ὁ ὠχριῶν διὰ τὸ φοβεῖσθαι ὠχρίας, ἀλλὰ μᾶλλον πεπονθέναι τι· ὥστε πάθη μὲν τὰ τοιαῦτα λέγεται, ποιότητες δὲ οὔ.

Aristotle, Categories c.8, 9b19-33 (link to English text of  Edghill at classics.mit)

So, there are naturally or unnaturally pale people, and then there are people who are affected by pallor due to fear or some other cause.

But what kind of affection was pallor? Posidonius thought (according to someone someone once thought was Plutarch) it was brought about by an affection of the soul that has effects in the body:

"Posidonius says some [affections] are psychic, others bodily. And some are not [affections] of the soul, but are bodily ones connected with the soul; while others are not [affections] of the body but are psychic ones connected with the body. Psychic [affections] on their own are [affections] in judgment and estimation, things like desire, fear, anger. Bodily [affections] on their own are fever, chill, compression, rarefaction. Bodily [affections] connected with the soul are lethargy, melancholy, mental suffering, hallucinations, giddiness. Finally, psychic affections connected with the body are trembling, pallor and changes of countenance following fear and pain."

Ὅ γέ τοι Ποσειδώνιος τὰ μὲν [sc. παθήματα] εἶναι ψυχικά, τὰ δὲ σωματικά, καὶ τὰ μὲν οὐ ψυχῆς, περὶ ψυχὴν δὲ σωματικά, τὰ δ' οὐ σώματος, περὶ σῶμα δὲ ψυχικά φησι, ψυχικὰ μὲν ἁπλῶς τὰ ἐν κρίσεσι καὶ ὑπολήψεσιν οἷον ἐπιθυμίας λέγων, φόβους, ὀργάς, σωματικὰ δ' ἁπλῶς πυρετούς, περιψύξεις, πυκνώσεις, ἀραιώσεις, περὶ ψυχὴν δὲ σωματικὰ ληθάργους, μελαγχολίας, δηγμοὺς, φαντασίας, διαχύσεις, ἀνάπαλιν δὲ περὶ σῶμα ψυχικὰ τρόμους καὶ ὠχριάσεις καὶ μεταβολὰς τοῦ εἴδους κατὰ φόβον ἢ λύπην.

pseudo-Plutarch, De libidine et aegritudine, 6.1-9

Hippocrates and Baltic Amber

There is a nice write up on ancient sources that talk about the origins of amber from the Getty.

The people at "Amber Artisans" (first google hit when I searched for "amber medicinal properties" on 26. February 2018) claim that,

"Natural Baltic Amber has unique properties unlike any other amber in the world. Famous Hippocrates (460-377 BC), father of medicine, in his works described medicinal properties and methods of application of Baltic amber that were later used by scientists until the Middle Ages."

I've not been able to find any mention of the stuff in any Hippocratic work, and I do not think Baltic amber in particular would have been easy to come by in Cos or Athens back then. Still, I did learn from this site that Baltic amber contains higher concentrations of succinic acid, a name which must come from sucinum, a Latin word for amber. The Greek version of this word is second in Aetius' list of synonyms.

A note on soukhinon.

The story behind soukhinon is hard to track down. Ἤλεκτρον was associated with an ability to attract bits of straw and dry grass, and there are lots of stories about the etymology of its name. I haven't found any etymologies for soukhinon, however, and LSJ take it simply as a synonym for amber:

LSJ: σούκῐνος, η, ον,

made of amber (Lat. sucinum), Artem.2.5 (v.l. σούνιχοι): cf. σουγχῖνος, σούχινον.

σούκινος· εὐνοῦχος, Hsch.

LSJ: σουγχῖνος, ὁ, =

sucinum, amber, Gp.15.1.29: cf. σούκινος.

LSJ are referring in the last entry to the Geoponica, a very late Byzantine collection of facts about agriculture. Here's the section:

"Amber (lit. electrion stone), or sounkhinos, draws to itself all kinds of things that are straw-like and light, except for basil."

ὁ ἠλεκτριωνὸς λίθος, ἤτοι σουγχῖνος, πάντα τὰ ἀχυρώδη καὶ κοῦφα ἕλκει πρὸς ἑαυτόν, πλὴν ὠκίμου.

Geoponica, 15.1.29 (435,20-22 Beckh)

Another of their references is to an ancient dream interpretation manual, the Oneirocritica, by Artemidorus, written a good bit earlier, around Galen's time. Artemidorus mentions the stone in the context of rings that appear in dreams:

"Rings of soukinoi, ivory and whatever others there happen to be are good [signs] only for women."

σούκινοι δὲ καὶ ἐλεφάντινοι καὶ ὅσοι ἄλλοι δακτύλιοι γίνονται γυναιξὶ μόναις συμφέρουσιν.

Artemidorus, Oneirocritica, 2.5.10-12 (here's an old, elegant edition)

Pliny also discusses amber, and he mainly refers to it as sucinum, giving  electron and lyngourion as Greek synonyms  (more on lyngourion  below).

He mentions one story which he says is told by the Greeks about the origin of amber. He is not convinced by the story, but the connection between amber and lightning is wildly suggestive. Here is what he says:

"When Phaeton had been hit by a thunderbolt, his sisters, who in grief changed into poplar trees, shed tears of electron every year onto the shores of the stream of Eridanus, which we call Padus (i.e., the Po). They are called 'electron', because the sun is said to be the 'Elector'…"

Phaëthontis fulmine icti sorores luctu mutatas in arbores populos lacrimis electrum omnibus annis fundere iuxta Eridanum amnem, quem Padum vocavimus, electrum appellatum, quoniam sol vocitatus sit Elector […]

Pliny, HN 37.31.3-5 (available at Bill Thayer's LacusCurtius)

Amber and the Lynx

The Po flows over the ancient region of Liguria, which Pliny points out is where Theophrastus thought amber got its other name, λυγγούριον, i.e., the stone from Liguria. Theophrastus, however, tells a better story about this  name for amber. (Pliny attributes this story to someone named "Demostratus").

This etymology begins from the name, λυγγούριον, which just means lynx urine :

"It (i.e., a stone he talked about just before called 'smaragdos') is strange in its power, and so is lyngourion. For one thing, small signet rings are carved from it and these are extremely hard, as if they were stone. For another, they are attractive, just like amber, and some say it attracts not only straw and dried leaves, but also copper and iron if they are in thin pieces, as Diocles said. It is very translucent and cold. The stones from wild [lynx] are better than those from tame ones, and those from males better than from females, since they differ in their food, their exercising or not exercising, and generally in the nature of their body, so that one is drier and the other moister. Those who are experienced find it by digging it up. For the lynx hides [its urine] and piles earth on top of it whenever it urinates."

Αὕτη τε δὴ περιττὴ τῇ δυνάμει καὶ τὸ λυγγούριον· καὶ γὰρ ἐκ τούτου γλύφεται τὰ σφραγίδια καὶ ἔστι στερεωτάτη καθάπερ λίθος· ἕλκει γὰρ ὥσπερ τὸ ἤλεκτρον, οἱ δέ φασιν οὐ μόνον κάρφη καὶ φύλλα ἀλλὰ καὶ χαλκὸν καὶ σίδηρον ἐὰν ᾖ λεπτός, ὥσπερ καὶ Διοκλῆς ἔλεγεν. ἔστι δὲ διαφανῆ τε σφόδρα καὶ ψυχρά. βελτίω δὲ τὰ τῶν ἀγρίων ἢ τὰ τῶν ἡμέρων καὶ τὰ τῶν ἀρρένων ἢ τὰ τῶν θηλειῶν ὡς καὶ τῆς τροφῆς διαφερούσης, καὶ τοῦ πονεῖν ἢ μὴ πονεῖν, καὶ τῆς τοῦ σώματος ὅλως φύσεως, ᾗ ξηρότερον τὸ δ' ὑγρότερον. εὑρίσκουσι δ' ἀνορύττοντες οἱ ἔμπειροι· κατακρύπτεται γὰρ καὶ ἐπαμᾶται γῆν ὅταν οὐρήσῃ.

Theophrastus, On Stones, 28.1-10 (p.23 Caley and Richards)

Bill Thayer has up at LacusCurtius Philip Smith's entry on electrum in A Dictionary of Greek and Roman Antiquities, ed. Murray, London 1875, pp.450-451. Worth checking out here.

Land Crocodiles

Here is one last passage, which Christine Salazar had translated (my take on it is below). It is an excerpt from Galen, but Aetius' abridgment is wonderfully straightforward for a medical text.

"On goose, hawk, stork and land-crocodile excrement. The excrement of geese, hawks, storks and the rest, which some crazy people write about, is not useful, a judgment that has come from experience. Land-crocodile excrement, on the other hand, is not easy to come by."

Περὶ κόπρου χηνὸς καὶ ἱέρακος καὶ πελαργῶν καὶ χερσαίων κροκοδείλων. Ἡ δὲ τῶν χηνῶν καὶ ἱεράκων καὶ πελαργῶν κόπρος καὶ τῶν λοιπῶν, περὶ ὧν οἱ ληρήσαντες ἔγραψαν, ἄχρηστός ἐστιν, ὡς τῇ πείρᾳ ἐκρίθη. ἡ δὲ τῶν χερσαίων κροκοδείλων καὶ δυσπόριστος.

Aëtius of Amida, Libri medicinales, II 119 (195,22-25 Olivieri)

Just one question on this: what is a land crocodile?

Alexander and the Peach Tree

While I was researching the Persea tree, I often came across the claim that the peach was introduced to Europe by Alexander the Great after he had conquered Persia.

Here is one variation I found when searching Google—the top search result (on 14. July 2016) for “peach tree Alexander the Great”. It’s from the blog Kingsburg Orchards, a peach-grower in California:

“As with many stone fruits, peaches originated in China. It is in the Rosaceae, or Rose, family; genus species Prunus Persica. From China this delectable fruit spread to Persia, where it was widely cultivated. Alexander the Great furthered its spread into Europe - paintings of peaches were even found on the walls of Herculaneum, preserved despite the destruction of Vesuvius.”

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Marion Eugene Ensminger & Audrey H. Ensminger, Foods & Nutrition Encyclopedia, 2nd Edition, CRC Press, 1993, p. 1040.

Another variation also shows up in Wikipedia’s article about the peach. Wikipedia always needs a source, and the source listed is Marion Eugene Ensminger & Audrey H. Ensminger, Foods & Nutrition Encyclopedia, 2nd Edition, CRC Press, 1993, p.1040. It, too, claims Alexander the Great introduced the peach to Europe after conquering the Persians. No ancient source for the claim is given, and none is given anywhere else in the Ensmingers’ Encyclopedia.

I’ve found that this is pretty normal. Nearly every one who mentions this story fails to mention a source. The details of the story can even be gloriously elaborate, but still without a source.

It left me wondering. Let’s say there is a delicious fruit growing in Persia, a place well-known to Greeks before Alexander’s time; and let’s assume the Persians and Greeks almost certainly traded with one another before the time of Alexander. Why wouldn’t the Greeks have known about the peach tree? Were the Persians keeping it from the Greeks out of spite? Did they have border checks to make sure no contraband was smuggled out of the Achaemenid empire? It just made no sense (unless the peach was itself a quite recent import to Persia as well, in which case it might just be a coincidence that Alexander conquered Persia around the same time the peach first shows up in the west).

There is also a pretty plausible explanation for how people might have come up with this story: a confusion of names. In his Inquiry into Plants, Theophrastus discusses a fruit he calls the “Persian apple”, which could easily be confused for a peach if we go only by the name. It seems, however, from his description that it is not a peach, but something more like a citron or lemon (the passage is at Inquiry into Plants 4.4.5). It would not be hard for later writers, however, to confuse the “Persian apple” (again) with the peach, especially if those writers had not seen one or the other of them.

Theophrastus discusses the Persian apple in part of a longer discussion (HP 4.4) about plants native to what he calls “the east and the south”: Persia, India, Arabia, and Africa. In this same discussion, he also talks about Alexander’s “expedition” east, along with many of the plants that were first recorded by Greeks during that expedition.

Someone reading this discussion might think when Theophrastus talks about “the expedition”, he is talking about the whole trip east. But the plants he discusses in relation to the expedition are (as far as I can tell) exclusively plants from India (at 4.4.1, 4.4.5, 4.4.8, 4.4.12, 4.7.8). This makes sense. India was much more remote to fourth-century Greeks than Persia was. Persia, on the other hand, must have been familiar. Persians and Greeks had already fought a few wars by this point, and all the Greek colonies in Anatolia were essentially part of the Persian empire.

It is not surprising that Theophrastus talks about plants from just one part of the expedition, the part to India. They were novel. Persian plants were not.

But if one confuses Theophrastus’ discussion of the Persian apple with what we call the peach, and if the “expedition” is thought to mean any part of Alexander’s expedition east, then the story of Alexander and the peach becomes somewhat understandable.

And in fact I’ve found one place where this confusion shows up explicitly: a paper written by Andrew Dalby called “Alexander’s Culinary Legacy”, published in Cooks and Other People (ed. Walker, Devon: Prospect Books, 1996, pp. 81-93), the proceedings of the Oxford Symposium on Food and Cookery held in 1995.

The story is so ubiquitous, however, I keep thinking it must have an earlier source. I looked through more ancient writers: Columella (5.10.19), Pliny (15.13, 44-46), Athenaeus of Naucratis (82F-83A), and Gargilius Martialis (394-403 Mai 1828). But there is no mention of Alexander and the peach. I started to think that maybe it was a modern invention, or even a medieval confusion (I haven't looked at any medieval texts yet). 

Then, I came across a history written by a peach grower, Samperi in Italy:

“Peaches arrived in Rome in the first century B.C. as they were brought by the Greeks to the Mediterranean basin. Rutilius Taurus Emiliano Palladio, in the fourth century. A.D. said that Alexander the Great was very impressed by this tree when he saw it in the gardens of King Darius III during his campaign against Persia.”

The first part of this story is right as far as archaeologists can tell. And in the second part, about Alexander, we finally have a source. This Palladius wrote a work on farming, the Opus agriculturae. He probably lived during the late fourth or early fifth century CE, but his precise dates are uncertain. The best evidence for a terminus post quem of c. 370 CE is the honorific title given in the mss. He is called vir inlustris, which first appears in use during the second half of the fourth century (see the Introduction to John Fitch’s Palladius: The Work on Farming and Poem on Grafting, Devon: Prospect Books, 2013, p. 11). He was a knowledgeable farmer, probably a land-owner, and liked fruit-trees. Sounds like a plausible author of such a story.

Except I have not been able to find any mention of Alexander or Darius in the opus agriculturae. 

I wrote to the Samperi orchard to ask if they knew the reference. Within an hour they had written back to say they found him named in the Italian peach entry on Wikipedia, and figured it was accurate; but they took a quick look through Palladius, and could not find the reference, either. We are working on tracking it down.

In the mean time, I found this elegy by Palladius on the peach:

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Owen’s 1807 translation of the elegy. Source: Google Books.

Ipsa suos onerat meliori germine ramos
persicus et pruno scit sociare genus
imponitque leues in stipite phyllidis umbras
et tali discit fortior esse gradu.

Palladius, Rutilius Taurus Aemilianus, Opus agriculturae, Book 14, ll. 94-98 Schmitt (Teubner, 1898).

And a reference to the curious practice of writing inscriptions on peach pits before planting them: 

“The Greeks assert that the peach will grow with writing on it, if you bury the stones and after seven-days, when they begin to open, you take out the kernels and inscribe whatever you want on them with cinnabar.”

Adfirmantibus Graecis persicus scripta nascetur, si ossa eius obruas et post septem dies, ubi patefieri coeperint, apertis his nucleos tollas et his cinnabari, quod libebit, inscribas.

Palladius, Rutilius Taurus Aemilianus, Opus agriculturae, Book 12.7. Translation largely follows Owen’s 1807 (source).

Invasive species

I

We like to tell stories about how things get their names, perhaps because we imagine names will give us insight into something’s essence. We also don’t always agree on what names mean, and so sometimes we tell different stories.

Take the avocado. The avocado’s botanical name, Persea americana Mill., comes from another tree, the Persea, that grew in ancient Egypt. The name was chosen by the English botanist Philip Miller (1691–1771), whose great achievement was to name many of the New World’s plants without ever having left Europe. Miller must have noticed some resemblance between descriptions of the old-world Persea and the new-world avocado, although what it was is unclear. I doubt he ever saw an ancient Egyptian Persea, and although he writes as if he tried to grow avocados, I can’t tell if he was ever successful. Whatever had inspired him, Miller left no record. The story is lost. 

The story I am interested in, however, is not about the avocado, but about the plant it was named after: the Persea. How did a tree from Egypt end up with a name that sounds like it came from another country, from Persia?

This is a story people were already interested in telling two-thousand years ago. Galen alludes to it in the middle of a long argument against Aristotle and Athenaeus of Attalia and he says just enough to make one curious.

“[Aristotle and Athenaeus] say that children who are similar to their mothers are made similar by the nutriment [i.e., the nutriment the mother provides to the fetus]. From there they extend a long string of arguments showing just how many alterations in animals and plants are produced by nutriment. Then, they fail to notice they are unable to prove any of the alterations they mention [involves] a change in its species [brought about by the nutriment]. For to begin with, when the Persea plant was transplanted to Egypt, its species did not change; instead, when it got useful nutriment, its fruit became edible, when it hadn't been edible before. ”

τὰ δ’ ὁμοιούμενα παιδία τῇ μητρὶ διxὰ τὴν τροφὴν ὁμοιοῦσθαί φασιν· κᾄπειτα ἐντεῦθεν ἀποτείνουσι δολιχὸν τοῦ λόγου δεικνύντες, ὅσαι διὰ τροφῆς ἀλλοιώσεις ἐγίγνοντο καὶ ζώοις καὶ φυτοῖς. εἶτ’ οὐκ αἰσθάνονται μηδεμίαν ὧν λέγουσιν ἀλλοιώσεων ἐπιδεῖξαι δυνάμενοι τὸ εἶδος ἐξαλλάττουσαν. αὐτίκα γὰρ <οὔτε> τὸ Περσαῖον φυτὸν εἰς Αἴγυπτον μετακομισθὲν ἐξηλλάγη τὴν ἰδέαν, ἀλλὰ χρηστῆς ἐπιλαβόμενον τροφῆς τὸν καρπὸν ἐδώδιμον ἔσχεν, οὐκ ὂν πρότερον τοιοῦτο.

Galen, De semine 2.1.40–42 (IV.603 K. = CMG V 3,1 154,9–15 De Lacy)

Galen must have some story in mind about how the Persea got to Egypt, but what is the story? Who was his source? I could not find anything like it in Aristotle’s works, so I kept searching to see if the source might have been Athenaeus, the other target of Galen’s attack.

I found a lead in an anonymous ancient paradoxographer. The paradoxographer reports a story attributed to someone named Athenaeus*—a tall-tale of botanical etymology and biological warfare gone wrong. It goes like this:

“Athenaeus says that among the Persians there was a certain tree which bore fatally poisonous fruit. The Persians, when Kambyses waged war against Egypt, imported it to Egypt and planted it in many places so that the Egyptians would be killed when they ate the fruit. Since, however, the soil the tree was in had changed, the fruit it produced became harmless, and it came to be called Persaea because it had been planted by Persians.”

Ἀθήναιός φησιν ἐν Πέρσαις εἶναι δένδρον τι θανάσιμον τὸν καρπὸν φέρον, ὃ τοὺς πέρσας, ὅτε Καμβύσης ἐπ’ Αἴγυπτον ἐστράτευσε, κομίσαι εἰς Αἴγυπτον καὶ ἐν πολλοῖς φυτεῦσαι τόποις, ὅπως οἱ Αἰγύπτιοι τὸν καρπὸν προσφερόμενοι διαφθαρῶσι· τὸ δὲ δένδρον μεταβαλὸν τὴν γῆν ἀπαθῆ τὸν καρπὸν ἐξενεγκεῖν, καὶ περσαίαν τ’ ὀνομάζεσθαι διὰ τὸ ὑπὸ Περσῶν φυτευθῆναι.

Paradoxographus Palatinus, Admiranda 18 (Giannini ed. in Paradoxographorum Graecorum Reliquiae, Milan: Istituto Editoriale Italiano, 1965: 354–360.)

A little background. After the Cyrus the Great had conquered most of the Middle East, his son Kambyses II set out to conquer Egypt. Athenaeus says that on his campaign, he brought along a certain kind of tree from his homeland which he knew to be poisonous. If he planted them while marching through Egypt, the ideas seems to be that the Egyptians would naively eat the fruit, become poisoned, and die, making the land that much easier to conquer. Unfortunately for Kambyses, since the soil in Egypt was so much more fertile than it was in Persia, the fruit from the trees turned from evil to good and his plans were thwarted.

Even by ancient standards, this is a pretty fantastic way of trying to explain why a plant in Egypt is called Persian. Kambyses would have been playing the long game (how many years would it take for the plants to start fruiting?). Besides, why would the Egyptians keep eating it once they found out it was poisonous? For whatever reason, though, Athenaeus seems to have thought the story was plausible enough, since he uses it to support a claim he knew his audience would find implausible—that while mothers contribute only nutrition, and no seminal traits, to their offspring, nutrition can still determine enough of an offspring’s formal characteristics, even its species, to account for why a child will look like its mother.

II

Athenaeus, however, was not the only one to tell this story. As I looked into it, the details started to become more complicated and more interesting. It turns out, it was generally agreed that there was some story about how the Persea got its name, but there was disagreement about the details. In fact, there seem to have been at least two different versions.

Here’s a version, reported by Diodorus of Sicily:

“There are many kinds of tree [in Egypt], and of them, what are called Persaea have fruit that stand out as being extremely sweet. The plant was introduced from Ethiopia by Persians during the time when Kambyses conquered the place.”

ἔστι δὲ καὶ δένδρων γένη πλείονα, καὶ τούτων αἱ μὲν ὀνομαζόμεναι περσαῖαι καρπὸν διάφορον ἔχουσι τῇ γλυκύτητι, μετενεχθέντος ἐξ Αἰθιοπίας ὑπὸ Περσῶν τοῦ φυτοῦ καθ’ ὃν καιρὸν Καμβύσης ἐκράτησεν ἐκείνων τῶν τόπων.

Diodorus Siculus, Bibliotheca historica 1.34.7 = Agatharchides of Cnidus (~200 BCE?)  Jacoby FGrH 2a 86 F, Fr. 19 ll. 89–92. (DNP claims he influenced Posidonius and cite fr. 86)

In the version Diodorus reports, the plant wasn’t brought with Kambyses from Persia. Instead, Kambyses and the Persians bring it to Egypt from Ethiopia. We don’t get an explanation why.

One story, therefore, explains the name by saying it was introduced from Persia, the other saying it was introduced from Ethiopia by Persians.

Looking into more sources, I found that both versions had made the rounds in antiquity, people knew it, but no one knew which story was true.

Some authors were confused enough that they simply told both tales. This was the strategy of an anonymous commentary on Nicander’s Theriac, who attributes one to a certain Sostratos, the other to Bolos the Democritean:

“The kranokolaptes are seen on Perseia, as Sostratos [says] in his book On Things that Sting and Bite. They say the Perseia, which they call Rhodakinea, was transplanted from Ethiopia to Egypt. But Bolos the Democritean says in his book On Sympathies and Antipathies that the Persians had a poisonous plant in their own country and planted it in Egypt, since they had wanted to conquer it for some time. Since [the land in Egypt] was good, [the plant] changed into its opposite and the plant made the sweetest fruit.”

ὁ κρανοκολάπτης ἐν ταῖς περσείας ὁρᾶται, ὡς Σώστρατος ἐν τῷ περὶ βλητῶν καὶ δακέτων.  τὴν δὲ περσείαν φασίν, ἣν ῥοδακινέαν καλοῦσιν, ἀπὸ Αἰθιοπίας εἰς Αἴγυπτον μεταφυτευθῆναι. Βῶλος δὲ ὁ Δημοκρίτειος ἐν τῷ περὶ συμπαθειῶν καὶ ἀντιπαθειῶν Πέρσας φησὶν ἔχοντας παρ’ ἑαυτοῖς θανάσιμον φυτὸν φυτεῦσαι ἐν Αἰγύπτῳ, ὡς πολλῶν μελλόντων ἀναιρηθήσεσθαι, τὴν δὲ ἀγαθὴν οὖσαν, εἰς τοὐναντίον μεταβαλεῖν ποιῆσαί τε τὸ φυτὸν καρπὸν γλυκύτατον

Scholia in Nicandrum Theriaca 764A (text above is from Crugnola’s 1971 text; link is to Bussemaker’s 1849 text, which is slightly different)

These details make things even weirder. The second story is familiar. But the first version: why would an Ethiopian plant transplanted to Egypt known as Persea also come to be called Rhodakinea? Did it make a stop in Rhodes? And how did it end up in Egypt? 

Then there are the deadly spiders, the kranokolaptes. Dioscorides also mentions them in his Materia medica:

“The Persaea is a tree which grows in Egypt. It bears edible fruit, it is good for the stomach, and on it are found the venomous spiders called kranokolaptes, especially in Thebes. The dried leaves when sprinkled as a fine powder are able to stop hemorrhage. Some report that this tree was poisonous in Persia, but that it changed when it was introduced to Egypt and became edible.”

περσαία δένδρον ἐστὶν ἐν Αἰγύπτῳ, καρπὸν φέρον ἐδώδιμον, εὐστόμαχον, ἐφ’ οὗ καὶ τὰ λεγόμενα κρανοκόλαπτα φαλάγγια εὑρίσκεται, μάλιστα δὲ ἐν τῇ Θηβαίδι. δύναμιν δὲ ἔχει τὰ φύλλα λεῖα ἐπιπαττόμενα ξηρὰ αἱμορραγίας ἱστᾶν. τοῦτο δὲ ἱστόρησάν τινες ἐν Περσίδι ἀναιρετικὸν εἶναι, μετατεθὲν δὲ εἰς Αἴγυπτον ἀλλοιωθῆναι καὶ ἐδώδιμον γενέσθαι.

Dioscorides, De Materia Medica 1.129 (120,12–18 Wellmann)

Dioscorides seems remarkably confident about the spiders (maybe they are nature’s way of restoring some kind of poison-health balance after the tree’s fruit became edible). Notice, however, his ambivalence about the origin story: on the one hand, he assigns it to people he is not even willing to name; on the other, he still mentions it, even though it adds very little that might be useful for identifying the plant or sorting out how to use it.

Galen, too, seems to share this ambivalence:

“Instead of the seed from the Chaste Tree, plaster the forehead with the fresh leaves of Persaea and an equal amount of myrrh with Egyptian perfume. I know the Persaea tree to exist only in Alexandria, at least not in any other of the Roman provinces. Some call it Persion and say in Persia the fruit of this tree is deadly, while in Egyptian countries it is harmless.”

ἢ ἄγνου σπέρμα, Περσαίας χλωρὰ φύλλα καὶ σμύρνης ἴσα σὺν μύρῳ Αἰγυπτίῳ κατάπλασσε τὸ μέτωπον. ἐν Ἀλεξανδρείᾳ μόνῃ τὸ τῆς Περσαίας δένδρον εἶδον, οὐ μὴν ἐν ἄλλῳ γέ τινι τῶν ὑπὸ Ῥωμαίοις ἐθνῶν. ἔνιοι δὲ Πέρσιον ὀνομάζουσιν αὐτὸ καί φασιν ἐν Πέρσαις ὀλέθριον εἶναι τὸν  καρπὸν τοῦ δένδρου τούτου. κατὰ δὲ τὴν τῶν Αἰγυπτίων χώραν ἀβλαβὲς ὑπάρχον.

Galen, De compositione medicamentorum secundum loco 2.2 (12.569–570 K)

I’m not sure why, unlike Dioscorides, Galen doesn’t mention that it grows in Thebes, since it seems to have been well-known:

“In fact, a tree in the Theban city of Hermopolis, which is called Persaea, is said to drive off many diseases…”

Καὶ ἐν Ἑρμουπόλει δὲ τῆς Θηβαΐδος δένδρον, ἣ Περσαία καλεῖται, πολλὰς ἀπελᾷν νόσους λέγεται...

Nicephorus Callistus Xanthopolus, Historia ecclesiastica 10.31.20–22

Galen also does not mention the spiders. Maybe he had a different source for the story.

At any rate, it seems we now have a plant in Egypt, called Persea, which is covered in deadly spiders (especially in Thebes), which comes either from Persia or Ethiopia, is good for stomach aches, and stops bleeding. 

And what about that other name mentioned by Sostratos, Rhodakinea? One might think this is explained by something Theophrastus says:

“The nature of places makes a great difference relative to bearing or not bearing fruit, as in the case of Persea and the date-palm. The first bears fruit in Egypt and in similar places, but in Rhodes it only comes to the point of blooming…”

εγάλη δὲ διαφορὰ πρὸς καρπὸν καὶ ἀκαρπίαν καὶ ἡ τῶν τόπων φύσις, ὥσπερ ἐπί τε τῆς περσέας ἔχει καὶ τῶν φοινίκων· ἡ μὲν ἐν Αἰγύπτῳ καρποφορεῖ καὶ εἴ που τῶν πλησίον τόπων, ἐν Ῥόδῳ δὲ μέχρι τοῦ ἀνθεῖν μόνον ἀφικνεῖται...

Theophrastus, Historia plantarum 3.3.5

It’s clear Theophrastus or his source thought the plant grew in Rhodes, and it might have taken the name Rhodakinea from there. But Theophrastus, at least, thinks that the Persea is a native tree (ἴδια δένδρα) of Egypt, and he only says that some tried to move it—unsuccessfully—to Rhodes. 

So it’s anybody’s guess how it got to Rhodes in the first place. It doesn’t bear any fruit up north so it must have been cultivated; and in Theophrastus’ version of the story, the plant was not introduced to Egypt at all, but was native to Egypt.

And contrary to what some people think, Theophrastus never says the Persea is grown in Persia. He speaks of something called a Median or Persian apple (τὸ μῆλον τὸ Μηδικὸν ἢ τὸ Περσικὸν καλούμενον) at Historia plantarum 4.4.2, but he never says it grows in Egypt and he says that people do not eat it, but use it for perfume, for keeping moths away, as an antidote for poison and as a breath-freshener. This was probably something like a citron.

Regarding the Persea, on the other hand, Theophrastus, like Diodorus, mentions it has nice, sweet fruit: 

“Some plants are not able to sprout at all in certain places, others sprout but do not bear fruit, like the Egyptian Persaea at Rhodes, but as you proceed south it produces, but only a little, and only there does it produce nice, sweet fruit.”

Τὰ μὲν οὖν ὅλως οὐδὲ βλαστάνειν ἐνιαχοῦ δύναται τὰ δὲ βλαστάνει μὲν ἄκαρπα δὲ γίνεται καθάπερ ἡ περσέα ἡ αἰγυπτία περὶ Ῥόδον, προϊόντι δὲ οὕτω φέρει μὲν ὀλίγον δὲ καὶ καλλικαρπεῖ καὶ γλυκυκαρπεῖ ἐκεῖ μόνον.

Theophrastus, De causis plantarum  2.3.7 (cf. Historia plantarum 4.2.5)

Whatever plant Theophrastus and Diodorus were talking about, assuming they were the same, it does not seem to be the one Athenaeus was talking about. There’s no mention of Persia, no mention of biological warfare, and no explanation why there is a plant growing in Egypt called Persian.

But it also means there are at least two stories, each about a plant called Persea, both growing in Egypt.

III

Prunus persica - The Persian Plum. From Prof. Dr. Otto Wilhelm Thomé, Flora von Deutschland, Österreich und der Schweiz 1885, Gera, Germany. Distributed under CC 4.0 license, via Wikimedia Commons.

Pliny seems to be aware of the confusion and tries to sort it out, apparently using Theophrastus as an authority, but confusing things terribly. He distinguishes the peach (persicae), which he says grows in Egypt and was transplanted to Rhodes (with the results Theophrastus describes), from the Persea, an entirely different tree, which he says resembles the myxa, a tree that grows cherry-like fruit:

“Indeed, it is clear from the name itself that persica (peaches), though foreign, belong to Asia and Greece and were brought from Persia. For peach (persicae, i.e. Persian) trees were slow and difficult to acclimate, such that they bear no fruit in Rhodes, which was their first place of settlement from Egypt. It is false that they are poisonous and cause torment when grown in Persia and were transplanted by kings into Egypt, where the land tamed them. The more diligent writers report this about the Persea, which is entirely different, similar to red myxos fruit, and did not want to grow outside the East. More educated individuals have also denied that it was transplanted from Persia because of punishment, but rather that it was planted by Perseus in Memphis, and for this reason, Alexander established the custom of crowning victors there in honor of his ancestor. However, it always has leaves and fruits while others are still growing. But it will be evident that all plums as well came here after Cato.”

in totum quidem persica peregrina etiam asiae graeciaeque esse ex nomine ipso apparet atque e perside advecta […]. nam Persicae arbores sero et cum difficultate transiere, ut quae in Rhodo nihil ferant, quod primum ab Aegypto earum fuerat hospitium. falsum est venenata cum cruciatu in Persis gigni et poenarum causa ab regibus tralata in Aegyptum terra mitigata. id enim de Persea diligentiores tradunt, quae in totum alia est, myxis rubentibus similis, nec extra orientem nasci voluit. eam quoque eruditiores negaverunt ex Perside propter supplicia tralatam, sed a Perseo Memphi satam, et ob id Alexandrum illa coronari victores ibi instituisse in honorem atavi sui. semper autem folia habet et poma subnascentibus aliis. sed pruna quoque omnia post Catonem coepisse manifestum erit.

Pliny, Naturalis Historia 15.13.45–46

Pliny believes the Persica only recently arrived in Rome, a fact borne out by archaeological evidence. He also says it was first in Persia, then Egypt, then Rhodes. He, too, is trying to make sense of stories about it growing in Egypt, and it seems he has conflated Theophrastus’ discussion of the sweet fruit of the Egyptian Persea with Theophrastus’ other description of the inedible Persian apple (τὸ μῆλοντὸ Περσικὸν). Theophrastus said it was the Persea  which travelled to Rhodes, not the Persikon. The latter had no connection to Egypt at all.

Pliny’s story was influential. The peach tree is still called prunus persica, the Persian plum. Here’s a note from the entry in Wikipedia:

‘The scientific name persica, along with the word “peach” itself and its cognates in many European languages, derives from an early European belief that peaches were native to Persia. The Ancient Romans referred to the peach as malum persicum “Persian apple”, later becoming French pêche, hence the English “peach.” The scientific name, Prunus persica, literally means “Persian plum,” as it is closely related to the plum.’

It is now generally agreed the peach originated in China, but the story of how it got to Europe remains as obscure for us as it was for Pliny.

As for the Persea, following certain unnamed authorities, Pliny abandoned the story that the Persea was brought to Egypt from Persia. He replaces it with the story, in his mind more reasonable, that the tree was brought to Egypt by Perseus, presumably after his visit to the Kingdom of Ethiopia. Hence, the name.

Today the Persea is generally thought to be the same as Mimusops laurifolia (Forssk.) Friis, a tree sacred to the ancient Egyptians, found in the tombs of Ramses II and Tutankhamen, and likely native to Ethiopia. But of course we can’t know any of this for sure. 

Finally, to add to the confusion, Miller used Persica as the genus name for peaches (see illustration above), and Persea as the genus name for Avocados...

The Persea tree of Ancient Egypt. Source: Cow of Gold, distributed under CC 3.0.

IV

Plutarch, by the way, had no truck with any of this etymologizing. He simply states how the plant was used:

“Of the plants in Egypt they say that the Persaea is consecrated especially to the goddess, because its fruit resembles a heart and its leaf a tongue.”

τῶν δ’ ἐν Αἰγύπτῳ φυτῶν μάλιστα τῇ θεῷ καθιερῶσθαι λέγουσι τὴν περσέαν, ὅτι καρδίᾳ μὲν ὁ καρπὸς αὐτῆς, γλώττῃ δὲ τὸ φύλλον ἔοικεν.

Plutarch, Isis and Osiris 68 (Moralia 378C)

There’s a lesson here. 

*The anonymous might have meant Athenaeus of Naucritis, the author of the Sophists at Dinner (Deipnosophistae). I haven’t found the story in any of his writings, but this Athenaeus does talk about Kambyses’ expedition (Deipnosophistae 13.10) He also mentions that the source for his information about Kambyses is Ctesias of Cnidos, as plausible a source as any for a story as silly as the one we are about to hear. Still, I’d like to think the story comes from Athenaeus of Attalia, the Athenaeus attacked by Galen, if only because I am writing a book on him.

(revised with links, 18 September 2019)